关于行政补偿相关问题的思考

行政补偿制是现代法治国家极其重要的一项法律制度,对于规范政府权力和保障公民权利意义重大。目前我国关于行政补偿的规定过于分散,缺乏一部统一的行政补偿基本法。因此,科学界定行政补偿的概念、探讨行政补偿制度产生的理论基础和作用、分析我国现行行政补偿制度的缺陷,是构建我国行政补偿制度首先应当思考的问题。     

妇联在承担政府推进性别平等职能中的作用研究

文章从背景和依据、职能内容、作用与成效方面探讨妇联在承担政府推进性别平等职能的作用问题。认为其作用主要体现在:参与立法促进法律的性别平等、在制定和实施有关妇女的规划中推进性别平等、推动男女平等基本国策的宣传和倡导、在中外交流与合作中促进中国妇女/性别平等发展和扩大国际影响、促进家庭性别平等和改善女童发展环境。     

Stammwähler und die opportunistische Wahl parteipolitischer Programme

This article explains political radicalism by the number of voters who are biased towards a party. With little voters biased in favor of a party, this party has to rely more heavily on its programmatic distance to other parties. Because large parties – i.e.: parties with a high number of biased voters – gain votes when they move to the center of the political spectrum, parties with a lower number of voters that are biased in their favor are forced to the edges of the policy space. We draw on a computational model of political competition between four parties in a two‐dimensional policy space to investigate this relationship. We use panel corrected OLS estimates to analyze the data generated by the computer simulation. Our results substantiate the hypothesis of a negative relationship between the number of biased voters and the inclination of a party to adopt a more extreme policy stance.     

论我国基础教育的性别公平

自从1986年实施《义务教育法》以来,我国的基础教育得到了巨大发展,男女两性不仅享有法律上平等的受教育权利,而且实际的受教育机会也日益平等。但是,在不同地区以及城乡之间,基础教育领域的性别差异依然不同程度地存在,基础教育中的性别平等还没有完全实现,而且,随着社会经济转型,新的问题也在基础教育领域不断出现。本文采用全国第五次人口普查以及第二次中国妇女社会地位抽样调查的数据,从基础教育的入学机会、教育过程和内容以及教育结果三个层次上来讨论目前我国基础教育领域存在的性别差异,力图从教育公正以及性别平等的角度来说明基础教育中存在的性别不平等。尤其是在贫困农村地区和流动人口中,相当数量的女童的受教育权利还没有得到切实保障。本文建议,要从政府、家庭以及教育系统本身着手消除基础教育体制、观念以及内容上的性别差异。     

发展权:社会主义初级阶段男女平等的突破口--从第二期上海妇女社会地位调查谈起

以自然分工为基础的男尊女卑的社会性别关系,从诞生之日起就是对妇女发展权的赤裸裸的剥夺,参加社会生产是妇女回归社会、获得发展权的开端,在国家的发展政策中纳入性别观点,使妇女和男性一样平等地参与、促进并享受社会发展是实现发展权、进而实现男女平等的重要环节。目前恰恰就在就业、参政和继续教育等和发展权维护有关的问题上,上海妇女发展遭遇前所未有的挑战。促进、维护和实现妇女发展权,不仅能大幅度提升妇女社会参与的能力与实力,也能大大加快社会民主法制的进程及经济、文化的发展。     

Mixed electoral rules’ impact on party systems

The growing literature about mixed electoral systems has addressed their effect on party systems, voting behavior, campaign strategies, legislative roll-call voting, and other issues in a handful of countries. But, the effect of mixed systems has not been fully evaluated cross-nationally or longitudinally. Using data from the World Bank’s Database of Political Institutions, we address this gap in the literature by investigating two related questions. First, do mixed electoral rules produce different election outcomes than other election rules? Second, are these results attenuated by the definitions of mixed systems that scholars employ? We find that mixed systems generate outcomes that are distinct from other electoral systems and that these findings are generally robust across different definitions.     

Mexicans react to electoral fraud and political corruption: an assessment of public opinion and voting behavior

Despite various electoral reforms enacted in Mexico between 1988 and 1994, large numbers of Mexicans doubted the honesty of elections and the general integrity of their country's policy making process. Such doubts did not automatically lead, however, to support for opposition parties that called for greater democratization. Rather, voter preferences were largely dependent on judgments about the opposition's viability and competence. Widespread suspicions about fraud and corruption in Mexico did affect electoral outcomes by making it less likely that potential opposition supporters turned out to vote. Data are drawn from seven national public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico in 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994 (3 polls), and 1995.     

2004年美国大选对美国选举制度的影响

2004 年美国大选中技术构件的改进,提高了美国选举制度的可操作性和合理性;竞选开销创历史新高,加深了金钱政治对选举制度民主公平原则的侵蚀;候选人通过谎言和反面信息争取选票,违背了选举制度的诚信道德准则。     

平等和差异：近代性“别”观念双重特性的建构

近代生物进化论传人中国，彻底改变了儒家人伦关系中的“人”观，建立起以生物为基础的“人”的观念。同为人类和男女类分——依据生物性（sex）分成两个性属——的观念同步建立起来。平等和差异是内在于生物人观的两种规范，它们作为女权运动的两种基本理据，在近代却使女权运动陷入了两难困境：诉诸同类，希望成为和男人一样的人，就会落入男人已设定的标准；诉诸差异，做一个与男性不一样的女性，意味着成为男性的“她者”。     

The range and limitation of sub-national regime variations under electoral authoritarianism: The case of Russia

ABSTRACT

As has been demonstrated by scholars, different levels of a polity may encompass different political regimes. In this study we examine variations in regional political regimes which have developed under Russia's system of electoral authoritarianism. Comparing the results of two cycles of regional assembly elections (2008–12 and 2013–17) we analyse and compare elections results and levels of electoral contestation in both the party list (PL) and single member district (SMD) contests. This allows us to identify the range of sub-national regime variations: ‘hegemonic authoritarian’, ‘inter-elite bargain authoritarian’, ‘clearly-competitive authoritarian’, and ‘moderately-competitive authoritarian’ regions. Approximately half of the regions demonstrate stable electoral patterns across both cycles. At the same time, none of the regions go beyond the authoritarian limitations imposed by the Russian regime. The variation is explained by a combination of structural and agency factors with a prevalence of the latter.