The patriarchy index: a comparative study of power relations across historical Europe

This article stands at the confluence of three streams of historical social science analysis: the sociological study of power relations within the family, the regional demography of historical Europe, and the study of spatial patterning of historical family forms in Europe. It is a first exercise in the design and application of a new ‘master variable’ for cross-cultural studies of family organization and relations. This indexed composite measure, which the authors call the Index of Patriarchy, incorporates a range of variables related to familial behaviour, including nuptiality and age at marriage, living arrangements, post-marital residence, power relations within domestic groups, the position of the aged, and the sex of the offspring. The index combines all these items, with each being given equal weight in the calculation of the final score, which represents the varying degrees of sex- and age-related social inequality (‘patriarchal bias’) in different societal and familial settings. In order to explore the comparative advantages of the index, the authors use information from census and census-like microdata for 91 regions of historical Europe covering more than 700,000 individuals living in 143,000 domestic groups, from the Atlantic to the Urals. The index allows the authors to identify regions with different degrees of patriarchy within a single country, across the regions of a single country, or across and within many broader zones of historical Europe. The unprecedented patterning of the many elements of power relations and agency contained in the index generates new ways of accounting for both the geographies and the histories of family organization across the European landmass.     

从性别角度谈和谐社会建设

党的十六届四中全会明确提出要建立社会主义和谐社会;男女平等是衡量社会文明进步的重要尺度,公平正义是和谐社会的核心理念;推进性别平等,是构建和谐社会的内在要求。只有全面提高妇女素质,才能为男女两性的和谐发展奠定能力基础。     

论平等权权利冲突的理论问题

平等权权利冲突在我国目前屡见不鲜,是一个现实的急待探讨的问题。其表现在不同的权利主体、权利自身因素、不同法律价值诉求、立法与立法之间。而平等权是一个自创生的系统,由于平等权权利冲突导致其自创生力下降的原因是多方面的、是一种机制,所以,体制的完善、经济的全面发展、法律意识的提高和健康平等权心态就是平等权权利冲突的平衡路径。     

男性研究对性别平等教育的意义

实现性别平等是男女双方共同的责任。父权制的性别文化对女性不公的同时也使男性受到了伤害。本文在探讨男性研究的兴起、定位与内涵以及性别平等教育相关概念的基础上,反思男性研究与性别平等教育的内在联系,指出男性研究视角在教育领域的介入,有利于推动性别平等教育的深入发展和开拓新的实践可能,如深化性别角色社会化研究,拓展性教育的多元文化取向,丰富与再现校园中的性别文化等。     

苏联对中国性别平等的影响——以20世纪50年代为例

本文主要讨论在20世纪50年代,社会主义苏联对中国性别平等的影响。中国政府对于苏联模式的仿效与借鉴,以"就业权"上的男女平等最为突出,效果最为显著,以至深刻地影响了几代人的思想与生活。改革开放带给中国人的冲击与反思是强烈的,在苏联模式影响、西方女权主义和中国式妇女解放共存并相互影响的今天,苏联模式与影响虽然已经成为历史讨论的话题,但在经济全球化、文化多元化加速发展的时代,无疑成为全面了解中国社会、中国妇女以及重新审视性别平等的重要方面。     

毛泽东对外经济交往思想探析

有人认为毛泽东自觉不自觉地实行了一套闭关锁国政策。本通过对毛泽东在三个历史时期对外经济交往思想的考察,得出了倡导对外开放,积极开展对外经济交往是毛泽东的一贯思想的结论。同时也扼要地指出了毛泽东对外开放和对外经济交往思想的某些局限性以及造成这些局限性的原因。邓小平突破了这些局限性,把我国的对外开放推向了一个新的阶段。     

台湾政党再次轮替的深层原因

台湾在2008年出现第二次政党轮替的深层原因是民进党未能解决政治贫腐和经济衰退这两项选民最关心的议题.2005年"三合一"地方选举是民进党"由盛转衰"的分水岭.2008年1月的"立法院"选举,初次采取以小区单席为主、政党比例代表为辅的制度,放大了国民党和民进党的得票悬殊,在"立法院"形成"一大一小"的席次格局,为台湾政党的再次轮替埋下了重要伏笔.在2008年最高领导人选举中,民进党候选人既无法有效整合内部的派系结构.也无法摆脱扁案和激进"台独"路线的困扰,争取中间选民的支持,从而导致了台湾政党的再次轮替.     

Social Democracy's Muted Revival

After a long malaise, social democracy is making a muted revival. What is the place of social democracy in the political and economic order that is emerging from the Covid-19 pandemic, and the economic crisis that has followed in its wake? Patterns have begun to emerge across the party family that are indicative of how social democracy is defining itself for the period to come. This article briefly surveys the revival of social democracy in three countries that have been historic bastions of the creed: Germany, Britain and Australia. It considers three particularly potent trends in this social democratic moment that reveal the movement's current character and the challenges it faces: building an ongoing coalition amid changing electorates; seeking transformation in an era of constraint; and a lack of ideological coherence. It considers what this muted resurgence suggests about the prospects for the centre-left.     

选举争讼制度比较研究

从国外选举争讼的性质、争讼范围及解决选举争讼的基本模式看,我国选举争讼制度存在争讼范围过于狭小、诉讼程序简单等问题     

用新安全观的视角看加强国际警务合作的必要

冷战后,中国提出以“互信、互利、平等、协作”为核心的新安全观,努力营造长期稳定、安全可靠的国际安全环境。新安全观需要新思维。在以合作求安全、以协商求安全,建立新的安全机制维护安全和坚持反霸反恐并重的思维。新安全观强调重视非传统安全威胁的因素,而国际警务合作是对付恐怖主义和跨国犯罪的有力武器之一,因此,应该用新安全观的视角来看加强国际警务合作的必要。