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81.
Two studies tested the hypothesis that organizational decision makers attempt to counterbalance contribution-based distributions of financial/material rewards (a “merit” system that creates monetary inequality) with need- and equality-based allocations of socioemotional rewards, in effect allocating “roses” in lieu of more “bread”. Experiment 1 had a two-factor design (Reward Type × Magnitude of Income Inequality); 67 subjects were given a managerial in-basket exercise in which they expressed their preferences for a variety of distributive justice rules for seven different types of rewards. Experiment 2 (N=39) had the same design, with a stronger manipulation of magnitude of inequality. Results of the two experiments were consistent with the counterbalancing hypothesis, irrespective of magnitude of income inequality; financially related rewards (e.g., profit sharing, office space, company cars) were distributed with more emphasis on contribution rules (i.e., performance, status), while more socioemotional rewards (e.g., help for an employee's spouse, friendliness) were allocated with more emphasis on equality among individuals, equality across groups, and personal need.  相似文献   
82.
Increasingly, scholars of legislative politics propose comparative analyses of parliamentary voting behaviour across different countries and parliaments. Yet parliamentary voting procedures differ dramatically across parliamentary chambers and ignoring these differences may, in the extreme, lead to meaningless comparisons. This paper presents a first glimpse at a comprehensive data collection effort covering more than 250 parliamentary chambers in 176 countries. Focusing on European legislatures it assesses what explains the differences in the rules among chambers. It is found that incentives linked to MPs’ visibility contribute to explain the transparency of the adopted voting procedures.  相似文献   
83.
There is an assumption in much of the electoral engineering literature that domestic episodes of electoral system choice occur in a vacuum, isolated from international influences. Yet this assumption remains largely untested, despite the comparative focus of much of that literature. This article focuses on part of this gap by considering two electoral mechanisms that seek to limit party system fragmentation under proportional representation – low district magnitudes and high electoral thresholds – and shows that the mechanisms have spread across many European countries during the post‐1945 period. Analyses reveal that national legislators are more likely to adopt one of these electoral mechanisms when a large number of peer countries have made similar choices within the last two or three years. This effect is robust to various model specifications and to the inclusion of multiple controls. The article also offers some qualitative evidence from case studies and parliamentary debates.  相似文献   
84.
The 2014 presidential elections showed a growing political polarization based on regional differences in Brazil. Against this backdrop, President Dilma Rousseff was re-elected by the slimmest margin ever obtained by a Brazilian president. Rousseff's Workers’ Party (PT) has held the presidency for the past 12 years, gaining widespread support for reducing social inequality and maintaining macroeconomic stability in the country. However, as the latest presidential elections show, this support for the PT and its presidential candidate has eroded. This article argues that as a result of fiercer competition for votes, a more politically polarized discourse was used in the presidential campaign to mobilize voters around Brazil's regional divide between the richer south and the poorer north. In the analysis, the article attempts to elucidate possible causes of territorial patterns of voting in Brazil's 2014 presidential elections.  相似文献   
85.
The autonomous elections held on 25 May 2015 took place simultaneously in 13 of the 17 Spanish autonomous communities (CCAA), leading to the most profound change in the autonomous party system seen in Spain in the last 20 years. A significant number of Spanish citizens hold the two main parties—the PP and the PSOE—responsible for being unable to solve their economic problems and for having pursued their austerity policies and containment of social expenditure to the extent of giving rise to the greatest inequality experienced in Spanish society in history. Furthermore, and as important as the economic crisis, support for the new parties, Podemos and Ciudadanos, has been linked to the emergence in Spanish public debate of party regeneration and the corruption scandals that tainted the main parties and most institutions in the years prior to the elections on 25 May 2015.  相似文献   
86.
李庆珍 《桂海论丛》2004,20(4):76-78
文章通过对现实生活中性别公正问题的分析,指出社会的性别偏见甚至性别歧视仍然存在,且极有市场.建议要营造良好的政策环境、教育环境和舆论环境,建立一个不仅是法律上男女平等,而且是事实上男女平等的社会,为妇女发展创造良好的社会环境.  相似文献   
87.
形成人尽其能、各得其所而又和谐相处的社会,是巩国党执政的社会基础,是实现党执政的历史任务的必然要求.构建和谐社会的基础和前提是社会正义和社会公平,而执政者肩负着秉持社会正义、恪守社会公平的双重职责,因此,坚持以社会正义为本,制订政策和法律,建章立制,是构建和谐社会的首选措施,以社会公平为度,执行社会正义的目标,是构建和谐社会的基本要求.  相似文献   
88.
市场经济就是法治经济。法治必须反映和服务于市场经济。我国市场经济有不同于西方国家市场经济的独有特征 ,要结合这些特征来思索法律规则和经济规律之间的关系 ,用法治原则来指导我国市场经济建设。  相似文献   
89.
要深刻理解依法治国、执法为民、公平正义、服务大局、党的领导等社会主义法治理念的主要内容,牢固树立法律面前人人平等、维护法律权威、严格依法办事的意识,为人民执法、靠人民执法、尊重和保障人权的意识,合理合法、平等对待、及时高效、程序公正的意识,为经济社会发展服务的意识,党对公安工作绝对领导的意识。  相似文献   
90.
平等思想历来是中外思想家所关注和深入研究的大问题,英国近代思想家托尼是研究平等思想的著名学者,他从天赋、平等对待和平等推进等角度极赋见地地论述和阐发了平等思想,他的所有政治构想、经济研究和对社会、历史的探索都是围绕平等展开的。可以说平等是托尼全部政治思想的基础和核心。  相似文献   
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