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201.
政治合法性与道德领域及其建设紧密相连,这主要表现在,价值认同是政治合法性的重要思想前提和基础,责任伦理对政治合法性的构建产生十分重大的影响;同时,道德因素也在合法化过程中起着极为关键的作用. 相似文献
202.
Olsen Kim R. Painuly Jyoti P. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2002,2(3):237-260
We analyse the gains to developing countries from the participation in the CDM during the Kyoto period (until 2010) in the event an emissions trading (ET) regime exists in the post-Kyoto period (2010–20). We show that the developing countries will always be better-off participating in the CDM if the emissions quota they get in the post-Kyoto period is not linked to their baseline emissions. However if their quota equals (or is related to) their baseline emissions, CDM participation strategy may be a preferred alternative only if the CDM price is high enough to off-set the losses of the post-Kyoto period (during ET regime) due to participation in the CDM. We simulate the CDM and ET in the Kyoto and post-Kyoto period and show that with the reduction targets given in the Kyoto Protocol for Annex B countries, participation in the CDM is beneficial to non-Annex B (developing) countries, even if their emissions quota in the post-Kyoto period (during ET regime) is determined by their baseline emissions. Abatement supply price in the post-Kyoto period however turns out to be crucial factor in this case. 相似文献
203.
Werksman Jacob Baumert Kevin A. Dubash Navroz K. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2003,3(1):59-86
Rules governing the global environment and the international economy are currently decided in separate arenas. Yet, environmental agreements can have strong economic implications, particularly with the growing use of market mechanisms. Economic liberalization rules, meanwhile, may limit the effectiveness of environmental agreements. This paper assesses the potential interaction between one important market-based environmental mechanism – the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change – and the framework of international investment law. 相似文献
204.
Camilla Bretteville Froyn H. Asbjørn Aaheim 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(3):279-302
Over 10 years ago the EU Commission proposed a directive on carbon taxes, but faced so much domestic resistance that agreement was not reached until last year – and after it had been considerably watered down. The aim of this paper is to look into economic reasons for the political infeasibility of extensive carbon taxes. Since opposition is believed to arise prior to the policy implementation, the cost estimates have a myopic character compared with market estimates, in the sense that sectors are presumed to take into account their own substitution opportunities, but disregard changes in other sectors as well as the macroeconomic welfare gains from a tax regime. With this myopic approach, we estimate and compare costs of emissions cuts across sectors and across countries in the EU, showing how different sectors might have anticipated the impacts from an expected carbon tax. This focus illustrates that what seems to be cost-effective and to the best for the region on paper turned out too controversial to be politically feasible. 相似文献
205.
大学生伦理困惑是指困扰大学生道德行为选择在观念上的迷惘,是部分大学生失去道德标准和道德目标而导致认不清善恶的关键,为避免进行道德选择和评价在大学生成长过程中所产生的困惑,就必须从社会、家庭、学校、个人四方面对大学生产生伦理困惑的原因进行分析,找到解决办法,从而引导大学生通过进行自我教育等方式来追求真善美. 相似文献
206.
Magnus Andersson Arthur P. J. Mol 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2002,2(1):49-68
The Netherlands is generally considered as a front running nation in international environmental politics. This article looks at the influence of The Netherlands in international climate change regime formation by analyzing the structural, entrepreneurial, intellectual and environmental leadership qualities exerted by. The Netherlands during the FCCC policy process. In addition, the EU as an enabling and constraining institution for the ambitions of Netherlands in climate change policies is analyzed. 相似文献
207.
Ingvild Andreassen Sæverud Jørgen Wettestad 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2006,6(1):91-108
A striking convergence has taken place in the design of the Norwegian and EU greenhouse gas emissions trading systems from
1998 to 2004. This article argues that the Norwegian adaptation to the EU did not take place as a consequence of perceived
legal obligations under the European Economic Area agreement. Nor did it take place due to Norwegian actors being persuaded
about the merits of the EU design. The main explanation has to do with interests. The EU market and politics are of course
generally very important for Norway. However, before the US pulled out of the Kyoto Protocol in 2001, the Norwegian outlook
in climate politics was global. The US pull-out accelerated the development and hence the attractiveness of the EU trading
system and resulted in EU emissions trading as the most probable and possibly only international market for Norway to link
up to. Hence, this analysis provides further support to the importance of being sensitive to the global context and institutional
interaction when analyzing the relationship between the EU and its neighboring countries. 相似文献
208.
个体拥有完善的道德人格,是形成良好道德风气的基础,公安院校塑造学生理想道德人格是警察这一职业的内在要求.针对当前大学生道德人格的缺失,学校应加强引导,全方位营造德育环境,培育学生健全的人格品质. 相似文献
209.
Tenbrunsel Ann E. Smith-Crowe Kristin Umphress Elizabeth E. 《Social Justice Research》2003,16(3):285-307
We present and discuss a theoretical model of an organization's ethical infrastructure, defined as the organizational elements that contribute to an organization's ethical effectiveness. We propose that the infrastructure is composed of both formal and informal elements—including communication, surveillance, and sanctioning systems—as well as organizational climates for ethics, respect, and justice. We discuss the nature of the relationship between these elements and ethical behavior, the relative strength of each of these elements, and their impact on each other. Theoretical and practical implications of this model are presented. 相似文献
210.
Existing literature on equity considerations for climate change mitigation has largely focused on fair burden-sharing at an inter-national level without adequate attention to equity concerns at the intra-national level. However, disparities between regions and income groups within nations pose perhaps more equity concerns over climate change mitigation than those between nations. While international equity can be agreed upon via political negotiation among nations, the poor in both developed and developing countries may not be guaranteed their fair allocation of emissions rights because the necessary institutional framework has yet to be established at both international and national levels. This paper distinguishes three parts of emissions rights and discusses their transferability in view of equity concerns. The author suggests that basic necessity emissions rights are not transferable and non-necessity emissions are fully marketable, while individual contributions to state are subject to collective decision-making or political manipulation at the international level. The exact share of each of the three parts is subject to further investigation, but unlimited free trading of emissions rights is likely to result in equity concerns at both inter- and intra-national levels. Further examination in quantitative terms would represent an interesting case study for a better understanding of the issue. 相似文献