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121.
房炜 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2010,9(1):83-84,87
从新制度经济学的视角对军队的性别选择行为建立三个假定,以此分析军队在人才选拔使用中性别偏好现象形成的原因。如果要改变性别选择行为,关键是要强化正式制度的实施机制。 相似文献
122.
123.
何华征 《胜利油田党校学报》2013,26(3):56-59
私有财产和私有制度的出现,妇女逐渐成为私有财产的压迫对象和男人的附属物,男权社会由此形成。在中国,自古以来妇女就是父权社会的私有财产,妇女必须遵循统治阶级的各种礼法,然而她们却始终被排除在体制之外。而在西方,基督教产生以来,或者更早,妇女就是男人的附庸和物件,基督教以神的名义征缴了妇女的应有权利。几千年的男权社会,中西方的男权思想竟是如此相似。伴随着性别压迫的,必将是被压迫阶层的反抗。正如妇女问题产生的根源是私有制一样,破除妇女受压迫、受歧视的关节点,同样在于对私有制度的废除。 相似文献
124.
Gender in Job Negotiations: A Two-Level Game 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
125.
Behavior in social-dilemma (mixed-motive) situations has been of great interest to economists, psychologists, and negotiation scholars. In this study, we used a threshold social-dilemma game to examine factors that have not yet been investigated and that may have an impact on behavior in these settings: gender and group identity. We found that, for women, interacting with members of a naturally occurring group increased coordination and efficiency, while for men, interacting with members of a naturally occurring group decreased coordination and efficiency. Psychological literature on gender differences and group interdependence explains these differences. We conclude by discussing the implications of these results for gender differences in negotiation behavior. 相似文献
126.
ABSTRACTIn this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics. 相似文献
127.
This research provides new theoretical and empirical insights into the gender politics of the springboards to chief executive office. The extremely masculinised composition of the relatively few top national executive positions has posed a serious impediment to empirically assessing the conditions that may facilitate women's under-representation and men's over-representation. To overcome this constraint, this study looks at the top regional executive office across four West European countries that present a multilevel state structure – namely Austria, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom. Using two original datasets, the article examines the ways in which the selection and reselection of regional prime ministerial candidates is shaped by individual, organisational and institutional factors that produce heterogeneous experiences and career opportunities across sex. The results show that women have not shattered the glass ceiling at the regional level and pinpoint the fact that they are held to higher standards, benefit less from the political resources they possess and are more dependent on the decision environment in which parties select executive candidates. The conclusion is that the rules of the game guiding selection and reselection processes are strongly biased towards men. 相似文献
128.
近30年来,台湾女性运动与思潮发展迅猛。特别在上世纪90年代,焦点一度从争取参政权、财产权等公共领域转入“私领域”,更多地关注女性的性欲和身体。这一发展,深刻地显示了台湾社会女性思潮的重大变化。 相似文献
129.
关于家务劳动概念的范畴、家务劳动是否存在价值以及是否应为其付酬,理论界存在着较大的争议。家务劳动在家庭内部的分配存在着明显的性别差异和分配不公平现象,不同的学者提出了不同的看法。文章综述了国内外有关家务劳动经济学方面的研究,并提出了自己的观点。 相似文献
130.
We begin by exploring the lay belief that women can use flirtation to their advantage in professional contexts and contrast it with trained negotiators' negative views on flirtation. We then examine the impact of flirtation on negotiators' impression formation. We explore whether a flirtatious style aids women in the trade-off they often face between perceived likability and perceived competence. We discover both an upside and a downside to flirting at the bargaining table. Although flirtation appears to be positively related to women's likability, negotiators who flirted were judged to be less authentic than those who refrained from exercising their sexual power. 相似文献