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41.
《Journal of Gender Studies》2012,21(1):35-60
This paper examines how masculinities and race are co-constructed in South African television advertising. A sample of 5803 advertisements was collected that included 876 primary visual male actors. These were coded and analysed by means of traditional content analysis. A coding scheme was developed which was partly based on existing research. Coding categories included advertisement setting and products; race, social class, age and portrayal of primary visual actor; as well as sexuality, toughness, independence, status, responsibility and homophobia norms of traditional masculinity as related to the primary visual male actor. Hypotheses predicted that men would be represented significantly differently in television advertisements depending upon their race. These differences in representation reflect an intersection between traditional gender and race relations in South Africa that are marked by longstanding inequalities. The findings largely supported these hypotheses. White men are represented as exemplars of hegemonic masculinity whilst black men are marginalised. It is argued that these representations serve to maintain hierarchical social relations between men in South Africa. This study provides a foundation upon which further work may be undertaken. Avenues for future research are outlined. 相似文献
42.
《Journal of Gender Studies》2012,21(3):239-251
This article explores the centrality of humour in the performance and maintenance of a defensive masculine identity among a group of white, Irish, working-class boys in school. A series of extracts from the field demonstrate how that humour is deployed in versatile and creative ways in order to refuse and subvert a direct questioning of traditional, hegemonic masculinity in the classroom. In the specific context discussed here the boys are responding to a recent Irish educational initiative known as the Exploring Masculinities programme. This programme, through its presentation of ‘alternative’ masculine identities, offered an overt challenge to long-established and deeply felt understandings of what constitutes a ‘real man’. Analysis of the responses of the boys to the programme materials suggests not only the importance of humour as a defensive and supportive tool in the continuance of traditional hierarchies of maleness, but also the repressive nature of the boys’ compulsory ‘hard-man’ masculinity. Replete with misogynistic and homophobic references, this humour and its deployment shows a rigidly structured masculine identity, rooted in the past and heavily entrenched in their present. 相似文献
43.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):23-50
Abstract This article analyses the politics of Japanese labour-market deregulation since the 1990s with reference to the cases of the 1999 and 2003 amendments to the Temporary Work Agency Law. It demonstrates that factors such as the loss of political power by labour unions vis-à-vis employers and the resulting significant changes in labour policy-making structures enabled the LDP government to implement ‘extensive’ labour-market deregulation policies related to ‘non-regular’ employment. The decline of the left by the 1980s and the economic stagnation after the collapse of the bubble economy against a background of globalisation led to the establishment of the Deregulation Committee, which represented business interests and exerted strong policy influence due to the Cabinet's adoption of its policy proposals. In addition, labour unions lost political power as a result of factors such as their inability to maintain common policy stances towards labour-market deregulation and the reduced influence of ‘tripartite’ policy-making among labour, employer and public representatives in the advisory councils of the Ministry of Labour. This article contributes to the literature on Japanese political economy by showing an ‘exceptional’ case of extensive economic reform in Japan and its political reasons. 相似文献
44.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):99-121
Abstract Since the 1990s sushi has become a global product with a transnational market. Hybridised and localised sushi like California Rolls and Spider Rolls are now even being reverse-imported to Japan as ‘genuine American sushi’. This article examines some attempts to re-nationalise global sushi, both from the Japanese state and from the vernacular media. We argue that, while popular reporting on the ‘overseas sushi boom’ generates a sense of national pride over ‘them’ eating ‘our’ food, the state's position is a more strategic one. It operates with a clear motive of increasing sales of Japanese food products overseas, mobilising the image of authenticity for this specific purpose. Both state and popular expressions of culinary nationalism claim Japanese ownership of culture not only in its ‘authentic’ forms but in its multiple, creative, hybrid and fusion forms. By examining Japanese responses to foreigners consuming sushi, we hope to provide some insights into the relationship between food, national culture, authenticity and globalisation. A further objective is to understand Japan's culinary nationalism within the larger context of the ‘soft power’ and ‘cultural diplomacy’ discourse. 相似文献
45.
In the past two decades, the economic reforms in China not only put Chinese society on the stage of globalisation, but also
eroded the established significatory system set in Mao's China, the stability of meaning of governmental linguistic production
has also been challenged. It is against such background that the official discourse of ‘Three Represents’ emerged. This paper
intends to analyse the discourse of ‘Three Represents’ in the light of articulation as advanced by Stuart Hall, and examine
the semiosis of these representations in the context of the reconstruction of epistemological theory. It argues that this
on-going discursive practice is, in a way, a significant theoretical response by the CCP to the increasingly diversified social
formation, the ‘signs of the times’, brought along by a new globalising economic structure. When signs of wealth are reinterpreted and re-evaluated in a new economic order, signs of authority (Bourdieu, 1991) which are intended to be believed and obeyed by the masses, have also shifted and been renegotiated to accommodate
social changes. 相似文献
46.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(2):255-267
ABSTRACT In 2003, the same year that the African Union (AU) officially recognised a role for the African diaspora in the future of continental Africa, it also adopted the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, a document which seeks to enhance women's human rights across the Union. These official actions by this body, representing the vision of a more unified Africa, marks a new stage in a history of interactions, conversations and collaborations between Africa and its diaspora, as well as a renewed commitment to gender equity on the continent. This paper examines the feminist tradition within Pan-Africanism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and the developments in relation to gender equality with the emergence of the new women's movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The United Nations’ Declaration of the Decade for Women heralded a new phase in the movement for gender equality in the world. These developments, however, are taking place within a context of neo-liberal globalisation, which has had many negative impacts on the peoples of the African diaspora. While it has contributed to the creation of some new millionaires of colour, it has also ruined the agricultural base of many economies, destroyed manufacturing (including indigenous crafts and production systems) and reduced the economic options open to most of our countries – unless they are oil and mineral-producing states. This article concludes with recommendations for greater South – South collaboration on issues of gender equality, including the production and dissemination of audio-visual materials to challenge the power of the globalised US media and its gendered images. 相似文献
47.
Eric J. Arnould 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(3):501-522
This case study employed a qualitative methodology to examine gender relations in urban domestic water supply under duolocality where heterogeneous spouses live in separate residences. It is based on the experiences of the Ga of Ghana at the present time (2011–present), with James Town as the study area. Results show that gender relations in duolocal water supply is mediated by several factors, including women's economic positioning and time reported to sleep at husbands' homes, age and authority structure, proximity of males and females, distance to water points, and availability of public showers and sachet water. There is significant participation of duolocal men in household water provision, aided by short distances to water points and ready access to showers and pure water. Women renegotiate their subordinate position in domestic water provision by using their economic clout as leverage, manipulating their physical presence at men's residences, including late arrival to sleep but early departure, and capitalising on opportunities presented by new social dynamics to form indirect alliances with men. The study provides additional contribution to understanding gender discourse in urban water supply as it uncovers previously under-explored social processes in the linkages between residential patterns and gender relations in resource access and use. 相似文献
48.
在推进社会性别平等的过程中,男性自身参与的愿望仍然非常不够.应该从制度和个人两方面鼓励男性参与.男性气概是多样的,支配性男性气概是可以被改造的,改造支配性男性气概将在个人层面上直接促成男性参与.笔者提出"男性觉悟"、"男性解放"、"男性觉悟二重性"等概念,主张应该唤起男性觉悟,认识到传统的支配性男性气概对男人和女人的共同伤害,使得男性积极主动地颠覆支配性男性气概,进而同女性携手推进性别平等.但这种觉悟与解放应该同时认识到父权文化和体制对女性的压迫比对男性的压迫更重,才能保证其对两性平等的推进.同时,作者以生殖健康领域为例,说明支配性男性气概的改变将如何影响到男性在生殖健康领域的积极参与. 相似文献
49.
Dominant discourses of military servicemen position them as more prone to psychological damage than the general population, but as reluctant to seek psychological assistance, because of the military culture of ‘toughness’, a military masculinity, that values stoicism, emotional control and invulnerability and implicitly excludes ‘feminine’ characteristics like emotionality. This is seen as a barrier to military personnel seeking help, by implicitly discouraging emotional disclosure and expression. This article presents an analysis of semi-structured interviews with six male military and ex-military personnel, focused on their experience and understandings of emotion, emotional expression and ‘mental health’ in the military. The dominant construction of military masculinity certainly renders some forms of emotion inexpressible within certain contexts. However, we argue that the construct is more complex than a simple exclusion of the ‘feminine’ and the ‘emotional’. We explore how the highly masculine notions of military solidarity and ‘brotherhood’ create a ‘safe’ masculine space within which men could share their emotional experiences, but also highlight how this space for emotional expression is relatively constrained. We argue that these notions of solidarity and brotherhood open a space for emotional connection and expression that must be respected and worked with creatively, in therapeutic and other interventions. 相似文献
50.