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181.
叶海波 《时代法学》2008,6(1):29-34
主流理论多从人性角度证成权力制约的正当性和必要性。此一研究路径存在着一些无法克服的缺陷,应当从权力的有效治理的角度来重视认识权力制约的正当性和必要性。  相似文献   
182.
近期中韩经贸合作现状与前景分析   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
自2002年中国加入WTO后,中韩两国的经贸合作进入更加稳定高速的发展阶段,2006年双边贸易额已突破1 000亿美元,韩对华投资金额累计超过200亿美元,在几年前中国就已成为韩国第一大贸易伙伴和第一大对外投资对象国,同时韩国成为中国的第四大贸易伙伴。但也存在一些不容忽视的问题,双方应共同努力加以解决。今后,两国经贸合作发展潜力仍很大,前景看好。  相似文献   
183.
解决长期以来制约我省发展的安全生产问题,必须首先从深层次上解决认识问题。充分认识和把握实现安全生产的重要意义,就需要把能否实现安全生产提到事关人民群众根本利益的高度,就需要把能否实现安全生产提到事关党的执政能力建设和先进性建设的高度,就需要把能否实现安全生产提到事关社会和谐稳定的高度。  相似文献   
184.
税兵 《法律科学》2010,(6):125-136
通过选择财产权构造、绩效观察度、资源依赖度和公共关联度来建立基金会治理机制的分析框架,并就相关要素如何影响法律规范的配置进行了研究。对全国性基金会年报资料的研究表明,中国基金会与政府的"非对称依赖关系"正在被打破,政府同时是社会慈善市场的推动者、监管者和垄断者,由此需要导入司法审查,建立多中心主义的法律治理模式。首先,未来的中国民法典需要借助"转介条款"实现公法规范与私法规范的对接;其次,强制性和禁止性规范的配置要以保护公众知情权为中心;最后,配置诱致性规范以激励基金会主动接受外部监督。  相似文献   
185.
以诚实信用原则进行漏洞补充时,裁判的依据不是诚实信用原则本身,而是补充法律漏洞时所创造的具体规范,否则会存在多重的自相矛盾.直接适用说曲解了授权条款的含义,混淆了裁判权源与造法权源,误将方法当成了内容.直接适用说,不利于法律思维能力的训练,还加剧了我国传统思维缺陷对中国法律人的法律思维能力的干扰作用.  相似文献   
186.
牛力伟 《桂海论丛》2004,20(6):9-11
执政能力建设的提出具有深刻的背景,我们要准确把握执政能力建设的内涵和发展方向。只有取得高的执政效率的执政党才能具有高的执政能力。而执政方式问题决定着执政活动的成本与产出,是执政效率的决定性因素,是执政能力建设的关键。  相似文献   
187.
Addressing climate change requires consideration of mitigation and adaptation opportunities at multiple spatial scales. This is particularly true in the built environment, defined here to include individual buildings, neighborhoods, and the spaces between. The current U.S. political environment portends fewer resources and coordinating services for mitigation and adaptation at the federal level, however, reinforcing the relevance and necessity of actions at subnational levels. In this study, we evaluate the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to the implementation of mitigation and adaptation practices, as well as the presence of polycentric systems in the built environment. We assemble a database of practices with the potential to achieve both mitigation and adaptation objectives, as well as those that may be cross‐purposed or that may achieve one but not the other. We review practices to gauge the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to mitigation and adaptation practices in the built environment, and examine the attributes of three existing adaptation and/or mitigation programs to assess the extent to which they exhibit polycentric attributes. We conclude with recommendations for a broader research agenda, including efforts to develop more in‐depth examinations into individual programs and comparative analysis of performances of different governance attributes.  相似文献   
188.
Studies show that women and girls consistently demonstrate higher levels of concern for the environment than men and boys. Separately, research also indicates that women officeholders pay particular attention to the issues prioritized by their female constituents. Interestingly, despite the consistency of the gender gap in attitudes to environmental issues the literature has paid scant attention to the role of women officeholders in the adoption of environmental policy. The goal of this paper was to start to address that lacuna. Using pooled cross‐sectional time series analyses of environmental standards in 18 Western parliamentary democracies (1990–2012), our initial findings indicate women officeholders are associated with the adoption of higher environmental standards.  相似文献   
189.
The reform of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) adopted in November 2017 was surprisingly strong, given the previous opposition from central member‐states like Poland and key stakeholders like the energy‐intensive industries. The carbon price has also increased substantially since then. To explain why such major reform was possible, we present several findings with wider relevance. Importantly, all the actors pushing for a more ambitious reform benefitted from having a central, “second‐best” mechanism in place—the Market Stability Reserve (MSR)—which could be further tightened. By focusing cancelation on allowances in the MSR and taking place only after 2023, policy entrepreneurs managed to make the distribution of costs obscure and diffuse, whereas the benefits (a probable higher carbon price and related greater auctioning revenues for member‐states) were more specific and closer in time. That is what we call “smokescreen politics.”  相似文献   
190.
Seismologists have reported that a majority of recent earthquakes in Oklahoma have been triggered by the activities of oil and gas companies. Despite this fact, there is evidence of strong opposition toward earthquake mitigation policy. In this article, we argue that how individuals define issues affect their policy choice. Furthermore, we incorporate the concept of venue shopping from the literature on macro theories of the policy process to investigate the effect of problem definition in shaping individual venue preference for policy choice. Using unique survey data, we find that problem definition, particularly issue causality and issue image, is strongly related to individual support for earthquake mitigation policy. However, a more nuanced relationship between individual problem definition and venue preference is observed. Our findings contribute to scholarly endeavors to understand the politics of problem definition at an individual level, which may be the precursor of understanding policy choices at the institutional level.  相似文献   
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