取得时效的实践价值

取得时效是一定的事实状态经过一定的时间即产生一定的法律效果的制度,这一法律效果体现为原权利人丧失权利而占有人取得权利。它是法律在比较衡量物的用益利益与物的所有利益、私的所有的个人价值与和平秩序的社会价值,而作出的无奈选择。在这里时间之所以有如此重要的意义,乃是法律希望以时间来治愈权利瑕疵给社会生活带来的不便和困扰。目前,我国民法学界正致力于物权法的起草,如何认识取得时效制度对我国民法实践的价值和意义,便成了学理的一个努力方向。     

理解公共行政的新维度:政府与社会的互动

长期以来,对公共行政的理解是一种从政府角度的理解,其主旨是以官僚为中心,二分法和三个途径说是这一理解的代表性观点。随着新公共管理和治理的出现,这种传统的理解已经不足以对公共行政进行全面而准确的解释。公共行政生态的变化需要一种新的理解,即超越政府,从政府与社会组织共治的角度去加以理解,以期对公共行政有一种更全面的解释,并从中发现一些带有规律性的东西。     

应急管理能力:多层次结构与发展路径

应急管理能力是应急管理主体为履行应急管理职能、实现应急管理使命而应具备的知识、资源和技能的总和,包括在国家、应急管理部门和应急管理职业人三个层次上的45种能力。在国家层面上,应急管理能力可视为在重大危机状态下的国家治理能力,包括13项关键指征。在应急管理部门层面上,需要发展的核心能力有20种,分布在日常的风险治理、应急准备和突发事件发生后的应急响应多个阶段。应急管理人应当掌握三类知识体系、三类科学素养和六类领导能力。在推进应急管理体系和能力现代化的过程中,我国需要在多个层次上提升应急管理能力。     

An Assessment of the Impact that Participation in Local Climate Networks Has on Cities’ Implementation of Climate,Energy, and Transportation Policies

Much of the attention surrounding local climate protection in the United States is associated with two networks: ICLEI Local Governments for Sustainability's Cities for Climate Protection and the U.S. Conference of Mayors’ Climate Protection Agreement (MCPA). However, the impact of these networks on member‐city actions has not been clearly established. This paper examines whether, and to what extent, participation in climate networks leads to the implementation of greenhouse gas (GHG)‐reducing policies, above and beyond what would have been done in their absence. To account for the possibility that cities which join climate networks are systematically different from those that do not and control for self‐selection induced bias, three statistical techniques—propensity score matching, Heckman full information maximum likelihood, and instrumental variables—are employed to estimate the “treatment effect” of participation. Results suggest that impact is network specific: ICLEI membership causes small to moderate increases in cities’ GHG‐relevant activity, whereas the MCPA has no such effect. The characteristics of each network are evaluated in light of these findings.     

Rebel-to-political and back? Hamas as a security provider in Gaza between rebellion,politics and governance

ABSTRACT

After winning the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections and subsequently taking control of the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2007, the Palestinian Hamas – a hybrid political, social and military actor – undertook a complex process to ascertain authority and control over Gaza. The article focuses on understanding Hamas’s performance as a political party and a “rebel government” as well as the impact of this newly acquired role on the group’s strategy. Relying on primary sources, field-work and interviews with members of the Hamas government and its security sector, the study looks at Hamas’s role as a security provider and analyses the complex relationship between the institutionalized security sector and the group’s insurgent armed wing. Examining Hamas’s logic as a security provider and exploring the inherent tensions between political and insurgent logics allows for a better understanding of both the rebel group’s role as a political actor and the broader challenges behind the successful rebel-to-political transformations of non-state armed organizations. In doing so it contributes to the emerging literature on non-state actors’ shifts between ballots and bullets and on their potential role as alternative governance providers.     

Foundation Ownership and Financial Performance: Do Companies Need Owners?

A curious ownership structure is found in Northern Europe—foundations that own and operate business companies. The foundations are non-profit entities, they have no members and no owners, and they cannot be dissolved. In many cases, these entities control more than 50% of the votes in successful international companies. Obviously, this structure completely blocks the market for corporate control, but it also violates other basic principles of agency theory and corporate finance. Nevertheless, we present evidence that a sample of foundation-owned companies listed on the Copenhagen Stock Exchange are at least as efficient as other listed companies in terms of risk adjusted stock returns, accounting returns and Tobins Q. Thus, they question whether profit-seeking ownership is a necessary condition for competitive enterprise.JEL Classification: D23, G34, L31     

试论跨国公司的社会责任

As for international direct investment, the transnational corporations are playing a leading role in the fields of international trade, international investment and international intellectual property. In theory and reality, this authors analyze the rationale of the social responsibilities taken by transnational corporations, the main problems in the social responsibilities of transnational corporations and the legislative status, and put forward the functions of the social responsibilities of transnational corporations in promotion of the legal construction of socialist market economy, the reform of the corporate governance and the development of transnational corporations in China. Wang Chuanli, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor of China University of Political Science and Law, Vice-chairman of China Society of International Economic Law, and Vice-chairman of Research Institute of WTO Law (China Law Society), also Arbitrator of China International Economic & Trade Arbitration Commission and Beijing Arbitration Commission. Her main publications are “The Legal Effectiveness of Foreign Economic Contracts”, “International Trade Law of Sales of Goods”, “International Protection of Intellectual Property Rights” and “International Trade Law Government Control on Business”. Moreover, she has published over ten influential discourses on international economic law. In addition, her ongoing research projects include WTO Agriculture Agreement and the Rules of International Agri-products Trade, WTO and International Core labor Standards, and the Role of Judicial Independence of European Court of Justice to Promote the Integration of Europe.     

法治语境下网络谣言的政府规制

摘 要;随着互联网的普及,网络谣言也开始广泛传播,不仅给社会稳定、经济发展和人民群众的生产生活造成了诸多危害,而且使政府公信力面临严峻的挑战.本文概述了网络谣言的基础理论,分析了政府规制网络谣言的必要性、可行性,并结合域外治理网络谣言的经验,探讨了我国治理网络谣言的法治路径：即提高政府责任意识和服务意识,推动政府信息公开发布;疏通公众权利救济渠道,将社会矛盾解决在萌芽状态;明确界定言论自由和网络谣言的边界,不枉不纵治理网络造谣等不法行为;严格网络监管,将制造网络谣言与公民个人信用记录挂钩以及强化网络服务提供商的责任和义务.     

建构我国的问责制政府：理论基石及路径选择

一个有公信力和有效率的现代政府应当是有责任性并可问责的政府。我国自去岁抗击非典以来对在政府工作中失职或渎职的官员严加查处的动向是推进政府问责制的一个令人鼓舞的开端。政府行为须问责的理念和实践在抗击非典中激发,推进政府问责机制建构之紧迫性正日益清晰地为人们所认识。建构问责制政府是对政府及其官员行为的制度规范和道德规范的必然要求。我国现实政治生活中长期存在政府责任性不足和问责乏力的状况表明,依据善治和法治的理念加快建构政府问责制是我国政府管理创新的必由之路。     

总体国家安全观视域下的算法安全与治理

随着算法的不断演化及其在计算、通信、仿真、数据分析、信息管理、信号处理及指挥控制等领域的不断优化,有关算法所引发的一系列安全问题也开始引起人们的关注。算法安全源自于人工智能相关技术在社会生活各个领域的深度嵌入所带来的安全问题,从国家安全视角来看,算法安全具有逻辑操纵的政治性、行为影响的颠覆性、场域渗透的隐蔽性等显著特点,并且会深度影响国家安全的各个维度。具体而言,算法安全对国家安全的挑战表现在深刻改变国家间权力结构对比、导致隐性算法依赖和逆向算法攻击等方面。近年来,随着算法安全风险逐渐显现,加强算法安全治理已经成为国际社会的共识。在结合算法安全的特点和世界各国有关算法安全的应对举措的基础上,我国可以通过提高算法风险意识、培养算法专业人才、完善算法监督体系等方式来进行有关算法安全的秩序重构,以强化人工智能时代的国家安全治理。