Marxist Philosophy vs. International Relations Research in China

This article argues for the confirmation of Marxist philosophy as the ideology that guides international relations （IR） studies in China. Justification comes through the following points. According to Marxism, correct theoretical guidance serves as the prerequisite for correct practice. Marxist philosophy embodies, by nature, righteousness, in opposition to political hegemony. Accordingly, practice under its guidance represents fruitful revolutionary realism. Finally, advanced studies of international relations in this country cannot be separated from philosophical thinking. Using these arguments as background, this article specifically advocates materialism, patriotism, and service to the people as the corner-stone of China＇s IR theory building.     

China's Recovery: Why the Writing Was Always on the Wall

China has been a major power for far longer than is typically acknowledged in the West. This paper seeks to redress established discourse of China as a 'rising' power which now enjoys common usage within Western policy-making, academic and popular circles, particularly within the United States; China can more accurately be conceived of as a 'recovering power'. A tendency by successive Washington administrations to view the world in realist terms has forced the label of 'rising' power onto China along with the negative connotations that inevitably follow. We should acknowledge the folly in utilising a theoretical approach largely devoid of any appreciation for the social and human dimensions of international relations as well as the importance of social discourse in the field. Finally, policy-makers in Washington must reconsider their realist stance and, with a fuller appreciation of world history, recognise that American hegemony was always destined to be short-lived.     

全球化进程中的中国社会主义文化发展

经济全球化促进了文化全球化的趋向。在这种文化全球化过程中 ,存在世界多元文化的交融与整合 ,也存在着严重的西方文化霸权主义 ,使发展中国家和地区的民族文化面临着边缘化状态。本文从文化全球化这一背景入手 ,提出了中国社会主义文化创新与发展的基本思路和主张     

Post-Hegemonic Climate Politics?

The article argues that the effects of a new US president on global climate politics will be rather less than might be expected. This is partly because the rhetorical differences between Bush, his predecessor Clinton and President Obama mask great continuities in US climate change politics since the early 1990s. It is also because, unlike in other issue areas, the EU has moved into a position of clear international leadership, which is likely to provoke diplomatic conflict, both for standard reasons of realpolitik but more precisely because of the different growth strategies pursued by each side and the different implications of those strategies for climate policy. Finally, the emergence of a dense pattern of transnational climate governance will increasingly constrain the options for either side in pursuing new climate change agreements after 2012.     

在解析中发展马克思主义国家理论——读阿尔都塞《意识形态和意识形态国家机器》

阿尔都塞《意识形态和意识形态国家机器》虽直接源自葛兰西的“文化霸权”理论,却具有马克思主义的理论底色。“生产条件的再生产”作为“意识形态国家机器”和“意识形态”的功能表达,是贯穿全文的主题。《意识形态和意识形态国家机器》不仅发现并论证了意识形态国家机器,而且把意识形态的功能从上层建筑领域延伸到经济基础,从而揭示出意识形态国家机器和意识形态更深刻的存在意义。在阿尔都塞看来,这不是否定或者背离,而是继承、修正和发展了马克思主义的国家理论。