全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1131篇 |
免费 | 45篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 163篇 |
工人农民 | 69篇 |
世界政治 | 161篇 |
外交国际关系 | 116篇 |
法律 | 169篇 |
中国共产党 | 9篇 |
中国政治 | 103篇 |
政治理论 | 262篇 |
综合类 | 124篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 14篇 |
2020年 | 39篇 |
2019年 | 43篇 |
2018年 | 60篇 |
2017年 | 80篇 |
2016年 | 68篇 |
2015年 | 48篇 |
2014年 | 64篇 |
2013年 | 247篇 |
2012年 | 98篇 |
2011年 | 53篇 |
2010年 | 48篇 |
2009年 | 44篇 |
2008年 | 54篇 |
2007年 | 41篇 |
2006年 | 39篇 |
2005年 | 38篇 |
2004年 | 23篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 23篇 |
2001年 | 17篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1176条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
11.
12.
The role that parental authority patterns and social-cognitive identity styles may play in establishing identity commitments was investigated. The results indicated that family authority and identity style variables combined accounted for 50% of the variation in strength of identity commitment. As hypothesized, the relationship between parental authority and identity commitment was mediated by identity style. The findings are consistent with the view that family authority patterns may contribute to the way in which late adolescents negotiate the task of constructing a sense of identity. Alternative explanations of the findings are considered. 相似文献
13.
Alberts Charl Mbalo Ndileka F. Ackermann Christiaan J. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2003,32(3):169-184
This study investigated South African Afrikaans-, English-, and Xhosa-speaking secondary school adolescents' (N = 1217) perceptions of the relative importance of identity-related domains. For this purpose a structured questionnaire consisting of 14 domain-specific items was used. Most of the domains were regarded as very important or fairly important by a significant majority of participants. Four domains were regarded as very important by more than 70% of the total research group, namely, future career, moral values, family relationships, and religious matters. Political and sexual matters were regarded as of least importance. Intercultural differences were evident in most domains. Significant gender differences were also found. Relatively more females than males reported a high priority to domains such as future career, moral values, friendships with same sex peers, gender role, and community matters. The male participants regarded relationships with the opposite sex and sexual matters as more important than the females did. The findings of this study emphasize the importance of carefully considering the domains included in future research on identity formation, depending on variables such as socioeconomic and sociocultural characteristics of the specific research groups to be included in the investigation. 相似文献
14.
本文利用博弈论的研究方法,分析了权利身份化背景下集体剩余的存在以及女性和集体之间挤出博弈的展开,认为女性土地权益被侵害的体制根源在于土地权益的身份化,而女性土地权益的保护,归根到底也要通过土地权益的个体化或去身份化来完成。 相似文献
15.
PETER W. PRESTON 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(4):497-504
Europeans constituted their post‐Second World War political identities in terms shaped by the Cold War but matters took an unexpected turn when the events of 1989/91 required acknowledgement of the hitherto largely unremarked existence of the project of the European Union. The question of the identity of Europe/Europeans moved into mainstream debate: how can the variety of 'national pasts' be reconciled, how might ideas of Europe/Europeans fit within the range of identities affirmed by Europeans, and can the project present a clear image within the international community? The European Union is the only game in town for Europeans but it is also deficient; reform is made more difficult by the struggle to define the post bloc world: reform for what becomes the issue ‐ upgraded US ally, loose free trade area or federal polity? These are awkward questions but the continent is recovering from the catastrophe of its twentieth century and one can feel optimistic for the future. 相似文献
16.
Peter Hays Gries 《East Asia》2005,22(4):3-17
In July 2004, a Chinese claim that the ancient Kingdom of Koguryo (37 BC-AD 668) was China's vassal state ignited a firestorm
of protest in South Korea. The decade-long South Korean love affair with China appears to have ended, as increasing numbers
of South Koreans have begun to view their colossal neighbor with new suspicion. What were the causes and consequences of this
controversy? Rather than forwarding the usual political, economic and security explanations, this paper interrogates the deeper
identity politics at stake, arguing that the Koguryo controversy implicates the very meaning of being Korean or Chinese in
the 21st century. 相似文献
17.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(3):273-294
A study was conducted among young Latvians to test the effects of different conceptualizations of Latvian national identity on group beliefs and on attitudes towards Russians. It was hypothesized that exposure to inclusive discourse presenting Latvia as a multicultural society rather than an ethnic homeland would have a direct negative effect on feelings of vulnerability, injustice, distrust, superiority and helplessness with regard to the Latvian nation and a positive effect on attitudes towards Russians. The hypothesis was tested in one survey study conducted in Riga among ethnic Latvians (N?=?150). 相似文献
18.
This study introduces ‘eco-sectarianism’, which is a new concept that explains the relationship between sectarian violence and environmental pressures in divided societies in the Middle East. Against the backdrop of climate change, ‘eco-sectarianism’ poses a challenge to many fragmented and unequal societies where the sense of national consciousness is weak and nation-building projects are incomplete. This paper draws attention to the links between politicisation of sub-national identities and emerging ecological challenges in Syria. 相似文献
19.
Moch Faisal Karim 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1554-1570
AbstractThis article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation. 相似文献
20.
Sunčana Laketa 《Space and Polity》2019,23(2):168-181
ABSTRACT‘Divided’ cities – places of extreme exclusion and polarization – are sites where the paradox of both fragmentary and cosmopolitan capacity of the city comes to the fore. This article asks: What practices-in-landscape consolidate, construct and deconstruct the impression of a divided city? Drawing insights from the post-conflict Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the main argument I put forward is that urban infrastructures are a crucial medium through which social divisions and cohesions are performed and rearticulated on the ground. The article attends to the everyday of youth in Mostar turning to the politics of landscape as ways of life in the city. 相似文献