The Impact of Gender Identity on Female Offending: A Quantitative Assessment Using the BSRI

Despite considerable research showing the importance of masculinity in male offending, the role of gender identity in female offending remains unclear. The current study explores the impact of gender identity on female offending among a sample of 843 college women using the Bem Sex Role Inventory and Multiple Problem Behavior Index. The impact of gender identity on rates of general deviance, as well as behaviors typically in high male and female participation, aggression and self-harming, respectively, were examined. Results found that women with masculine identity were more likely to engage in aggression as well as general deviance broadly. Gender identity was not found to impact rates of self-harming.     

Asia's competing multilateral initiatives: quality versus quantity

East Asia has many distinctive features that set it apart from other comparable regions, not least attitudes to regional development and cooperation. Despite a growing number of regional initiatives in East Asia, however, they are generally distinguished by their ineffectiveness. It is entirely possible that ‘institutional balancing’, like its more well-known power balancing counterpart, is designed not to facilitate but to prevent something from happening. The sort of ‘multilateralism 1.0’ developed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has a lot to answer for in this regard: having established its own pattern of institutional effectiveness ASEAN's ‘leadership’ has caused it to be replicated under the new wave of ‘multilateralism 2.0’. Consequently, I suggest that not only is China very comfortable with the idea of a rather feeble and ineffective institutional architecture, but the USA is also unlikely to do anything to change this picture, especially under a Trump administration that is highly skeptical about the efficacy of multilateral institutions at the best of times.     

The effects of populism as a social identity frame on persuasion and mobilisation: Evidence from a 15-country experiment

This article investigates the impact of populist messages on issue agreement and readiness for action in 15 countries (N = 7,286). Specifically, populist communicators rely on persuasive strategies by which social group cues become more salient and affect people's judgment of and political engagement with political issues. This strategy is called ‘populist identity framing’ because the ordinary people as the in-group is portrayed as being threatened by various out-groups. By blaming political elites for societal or economic problems harming ordinary people, populist communicators engage in anti-elitist identity framing. Another strategy is to blame immigrants for social problems – that is, exclusionist identity framing. Finally, right-wing political actors combine both cues and depict an even more threatening situation of the ordinary people as the in-group. Based on social identity theory, an experimental study in 15 European countries shows that most notably the anti-elitist identity frame has the potential to persuade voters. Additionally, relative deprivation makes recipients more susceptible to the mobilising impact of the populist identity frames.     

Deglobalization: Identity Crisis in Western Countries

In recent years, the trend of deglobalization has spread over western developed countries as an irrational response to the fierce challenges from global markets and syndromes of the national identity crisis. In a new world order of post-western era, the trend of deglobalization cannot turn down the dynamic process of economic globalization, but may lead to more setbacks suffered by these countries in their domestic identity split and social conflicts.     

A community under siege: exclusionary education policies and indigenous Santals* in the Bangladeshi context

Abstract

This article presents and analyses the voices and responses of the research participants about the impact of exclusionary formal and informal education policies imposed on the Santal community in Palashpur, Bangladesh (Palashpur is a pseudonym for the site of my research; it is also a metaphor for contested space where the colonial power and politics of the nation state exert domination and subordination). These policies are implemented through a state-led, centralised, monolingual and exclusionary curriculum in local primary and secondary schools, schools run by the churches, and schools supported by nongovernmental organisations. The education policies in Bangladesh bear the legacy of the combined forces of cultural homogenisation and social exclusion rooted in the colonial learning structure and its objectives. Embedded in these policies are elements of the civilising mission, an ultra-religious assimilative but exclusionary nationalistic agenda, and Western values of modernity and development. In this rural context, these alien ideologies and practices in education are actively engaged in eliminating local institutions, the knowledge system of indigenous peoples, the texture of their lives, their joy of living, their spirituality and their sense of being. This article reveals how, imposed from above, education policy and practices have dispersed an indigenous community to negotiate a life that goes against the interests of the community itself and its members.     

Laughing with / at the national self: Greek television satire and the politics of self-disparagement

This study engages with the cultural consequences of the self-disparaging politics of television satire. It focuses on an emblematic program of Greek television fiction, Oi Afthairetoi (MEGA channel, 1989–1991) and the ways it both constructs and ridicules a particular version of the Greek self, the “Neoellinas”. By proposing a wider understanding of the political side-effects of television satire, which have so far been mainly addressed within the study of political satire, it turns the attention toward the role of satirical discourse in a public’s view on its national self in times of change or transition. More specifically, while it recognizes the contradictory impact that satire can have on society, it applies the concept of “satiric misfire” as a means to understand satirical endeavors which reinforce rather than counter the problematics they set out to fight against in the first place.     

对海外华裔青年学生中华文化认同的调查分析——以泰国华裔学生为例

青年华裔是推动新时期海外华侨工作,推动中国软实力建设的重要力量。本文以云南民族大学泰国华裔学生为标本,以文化适应理论为基础,以问卷调查、访谈的方式,探讨华裔学生在华留学文化适应上的特点,并提出相应对策和建议。     

基于新区域主义视角的区域合作治理探析

区域公共问题的凸显,使区域内的单一主体无法单独应对各类公共性事务,因而区域合作治理成为一个普遍的选择。新区域主义倡导区域间的开放性、介入性、包容性、合作性,对区域合作治理的推进作用明显。我国在探索区域合作实践过程中存在着诸多矛盾与不足,因此需要在新区域主义指导下,建立新型的区域合作同盟,完善区域治理政策框架,构建区域利益平衡与协调机制。     

台湾问题与台湾社会的认同危机

台湾问题的实质就是国家的统一问题。当我们努力去落实邓小平为解决台湾问题而提出的"一国两制"构想时,才发现今日的台湾社会在统一的问题上难以达成一致,台湾社会在民族认同、文化认同、国家认同问题上都出现了危机。分析造成危机的原因是寻找解决危机的钥匙,这是本文要做的。     

Forth Conference of Baltic Studies in Scandinavia

This paper analyzes representations of national identity in three museums dedicated to commemorating twentieth-century occupations in the Baltic States. Narratives presented in those museums can reproduce dominant forms of nationalism (the Estonian case), provide alternative models of discourse while paying respect to established identities (the Latvian case) or deconstruct the victim/oppressor binary altogether while contributing to other aspects of nationalist discourse at the same time (the Lithuanian case).