转型期我国政府组织内部自律管理机制建设——基于公务员组织认同视角的人力资源管理分析

调查表明,公务员组织认同不良是政府低效率现象的影响因素之一,而强化政府组织内部的自律机制建设以促进公务员组织认同有助于降低政府低效率现象。对公务员自律性的管理包括从个体和行业两个层次激发公务员作为社会人的自觉意识或自我反思,着眼点是从对公务员激励的角度促进其行政组织认同的提升。做到这一点的重要途径就是构建自律基础上的以人为本的公务员整合机制,通过强化行政资源、文化和结构的整合作用,以相应的物质利益和组织声望吸引公务员个体,用制度化的方式对他们在行政组织中的角色地位进行安排和调整;从行政组织文化维度运用行政组织所倡导的价值与规范引导规定组织成员的价值目标追求和行为表现;在此基础上着力培养公务员的组织认同行为以提升行政组织的效率,进而促进高效服务型政府的落实。     

特殊侦查方法在洗钱犯罪侦查中的运用

当今世界金融一体化和经济全球化方兴未艾,洗钱犯罪的迅猛发展使得社会财富和人们的个人财产遭到严重损失。2012年我国新修订后的刑事诉讼法明确增加了＂技术侦查措施＂一节内容,这是我国侦查诉讼法治化的一项重要举措,为公安机关、检察院侦查严重危害社会的犯罪案件提供了新的侦查方略,主要包括技术侦查、隐匿身份侦查和控制下交付3种特殊侦查措施,以及卧底侦查和诱惑侦查两种传统秘密侦查方式。这5种侦查措施为洗钱犯罪的侦查带来了重要的实用价值。     

“部落问题”:日本边缘社会的文化困境

部落是被歧视部落的简称,是日本历史上被称为"秽多、非人"的人所聚集的村落。几百年来,由于身份制度,部落民挣扎在社会的最底层,在职业、婚姻等社会生活等各个方面都受到歧视。近代开端的明治维新虽然颁布了《解放令》,但是未能真正使部落民摆脱受歧视的处境。二战后,随着部落民自身解放运动的展开,日本政府也实施了一系列推动部落解放的措施,但部落歧视在人们的思想中依然存在。文章论述了部落的起源及其在各个时期的生存状态和为改变自身命运进行的不懈斗争,并重点剖析了日本部落问题在近现代依然存在的深层的历史文化原因。     

Count us! Ethnic Activism in South-Eastern Estonia,and the Census of 2011

The ethnic activists of south Estonia (the Seto and Võro movements), challenging traditional concepts of the Estonian nation, tried to exploit the last national census (2011) for their cause, but were only partly successful because of opposition from decision-makers at Statistics Estonia, who have demonstrated a spontaneous conservatism in regard to questions of ethnicity and language. The government’s response to the initiatives of the ethnic activists was inconsistent, passive, and reactive. This matter has simply not been thought through at the state level.     

Addressing contradictory needs: the Lega Nord and Italian immigration policy

ABSTRACT

Cento Bull addresses the question of whether the Italian Lega Nord, when in government, pursues policies that contradict its rhetoric (politics of simulation or symbolic politics) or policies that are in line with its dominant discourse (politics of identity). Her analysis focuses on immigration policy because this is an area that links together economic issues (immigration is highly functional to the economy of those regions of Italy that form the Lega's strongholds) and identity issues (immigration is seen as visibly threatening cultural values and disrupting community cohesion). She argues that recent legislation in this area, approved in July 2009, is formally in line with Lega rhetoric but also that actual policy outcomes contradict both the party's rhetoric and the legislation itself. This confirms the validity of the concept of ‘simulative politics’ in so far as it refers to a societal practice of self-deception, rather than simply to practices of deception on the part of political actors.     

Never Thaw that coming! Latin American regional integration and the US–Cuba Thaw

Existing accounts of the US–Cuba Thaw correctly identify the decisiveness of Latin American states in pushing the 2014 change in US policy towards Cuba. Problematically, however, these accounts overlook a range of regional integration projects pursued by Latin American states that prove pivotal in ascertaining the central dynamics of the region in shaping the Thaw. This article argues that these regional integration projects are imperative to understanding how Latin American states were able to alter US policy towards Cuba, for three reasons. First, these initiatives, and Cuba’s role in these projects, are central to understanding why Cuba came to be a unanimously ‘regional’ issue for Latin American states of all political persuasions; second, the challenges to US dominance in the region provided by these integration projects were ultimately what gave Latin American states their teeth in pushing the Obama administration to reconsider its policy towards Cuba; and third, a consideration of this broader regional context more thoroughly illustrates the strategic nature of the change in policy towards Cuba as an attempt by the US to salvage its ability to influence regional affairs in response to these integration initiatives that excluded it from the region’s architecture.     

Resource Sovereignties in Bolivia: Re‐Conceptualising the Relationship between Indigenous Identities and the Environment during the TIPNIS Conflict

This paper examines the active re‐construction of indigenous identities within the Plurinational State of Bolivia through the case study of a resource conflict that arose with the government's announcement of its intention to build a road through a national park and indigenous territory, the Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS; Indigenous Territory and Isiboro Sécure National Park). Ethnographic fieldwork shows that both the state and the lowland indigenous movement have fashioned essentialised understandings of an indigenous identity linked to the environment in order to legitimise competing resource sovereignty claims.     

A community of practice: explaining change and continuity in ASEAN's diplomatic environment

Despite change in the aims, institutions and informal diplomacy of ASEAN since 1997, the formal diplomatic code of conduct remains locked in a traditionalist mode first outlined in the 1970s. Existing approaches from mainstream International Relations theorising are unable to adequately explain this continuity and change. The recent ‘practice turn’ in theorising offers distinct explanatory advantage, which this article illustrates by arguing that the formation of an ‘ASEAN rationality’ between 1967 and 1997 fundamentally curtailed the ability of regional diplomats to revise ASEAN post 1997, resulting in the coexistence of new and old norms in ASEAN's organisation design.     

Martinique’s Accession to the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States: A New Chapter in Caribbean Regionalism?

The admission of Martinique as an associate member of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States in 2015 has been seen as an event of significance in the Caribbean region for a number of reasons. Among other things, it was the first example of a non-Anglophone country being accorded that status, and it was the first French territory allowed to join one of the core regional groupings of the Commonwealth Caribbean. This article argues that the deepening of Martinique’s relationship with its neighbours within a multilateral framework may offer new practical possibilities for regional integration.     

The limit-experience and self-deradicalisation: the example of radical Salafi youth in Tunisia

This article gives an example of self-deradicalisation from Tunisia. It addresses the potential of radicalised individuals to de-radicalise themselves from within the Salafi doctrine with no external interventions, in comparison with the state’s religious rehabilitation approaches to tackling radicalism which not only fail but are also counterproductive. Deradicalisation could, of course, involve a more comprehensive rejection of Salafi ideology. This article suggests that an effective type of deradicalisation that is more likely to make the desired change possible is one in which there is a gradual modification of some attitudes and behaviours without abandoning the whole underpinning Salafi ideology. Referring to the personal narratives of 28 individual Tunisian Salafis, the article identifies phases of radicalisation and deradicalisation as the individual voluntarily moves from embracing radical ideology to a more critical understanding and practice reflecting on personal and interpersonal experiences of being radicalised. The research shows that the process of self-deradicalisation is reflective of Salafi youth experience of engagement with radicalism and is more likely to happen in societies that allow political expression and individual freedom that invoke individuals’ critical thinking.