论人大监督与司法独立的平衡

司法独立是司法公正的前提,人大监督则是防止司法腐败的有效途径,二者互相联系、互相依存,价值显著却又存在冲突。在深入推进司法体制改革的时代背景下,只有寻找到一条平衡的路径,才能实现司法价值的最大化。     

新中国成立后独立自主外交原则的演变

新中国成立以来,我国的独立自主外交原则经历了从"一边倒"、"一条线"到"和平共处"、"共同发展"、"和谐世界"的发展历程。它不仅反映了我国社会历史发展的演变,同时也表明一个国家只有真正坚持独立自主的和平外交原则,才能最终找到属于自己独特的发展道路,并为本国不断走向繁荣富强提供保障。     

附属刑法规范的理性分析与现实选择

由于立法者热衷追求制定“大而全”的刑法典，导致附属刑法的立法技术不成熟，规定不明确、不清晰，没有规定独立的罪状和法定刑，依附性过强，不能直接适用非刑事法律中的刑事责任务款，并且与刑法不衔接、不配套，缺乏可操作性。然而由于社会生活的日新月异，新型犯罪不断增加，一部刑法典并不能解决所有犯罪问题。在非刑事法律中直接规定具有罪状和法定刑的附属刑法乃是刑法补充的重要途径。     

一个中国原则是两岸和平统一的基础和前提

本文阐述了我国政府解决台湾问题的方针;论述了台湾自古就是中国神圣领土的一部分,海峡两岸统一势在必行;分析了李登辉耍尽权谋搞分裂,终于落得被人民赶下台的可耻下场;论述了“台独”即意味战争,分裂就没有和平,台湾新领导人只有接受和承认一个中国的原则,放弃“台独”立场,尽快与祖国大陆进行和平统一的对话和谈判,才是正确的道路。     

试论抵押权的证券化

我国立法尚未对抵押权证券化做出具体规定,抵押权证券化即是将抵押权制成抵押证券,使之可以发行流通转让,具有投资融资抵押功能。抵押权证券化是德国物权法上一项很有特色的制度。我国抵押权证券化的制度可以抵押权具有流通性、民事权利证券化是经济社会的必然为理论基础和抵押权证券化中的六对关系为具体制度设计来构建     

法院司法体制现状及改革前瞻

为确保人民法院依法独立审判,法院司法体制应当改“块块领导”为“条条领导”;解决司法活动行政化的问题,必须改革“集体负责制”、“首长负责制”为“法官负责制”;实现司法公正必须革除“暗箱操作”,强化公开审判,改“纠问式”审判方式为“控（辩）式”审判方式;法官队伍必须走“精英之路”,以高标准、高素质、高品位的法官选任制度为保证,建设一支专家型、复合型的法官队伍。     

司法公正的相关问题探析

司法公正离不开司法独立,司法公正需要客观、明确的裁判标准,司法公正与诉讼程序的科学设计密切联系,司法公正需要专业化、职业化的司法人员。     

Decentralization as a conflict transformation tool: The challenge in Kosovo

Perspectives are divided on whether decentralization can ease ethnic conflict. This article considers whether asymmetric decentralization reforms in Kosovo have reduced tensions between Kosovo Albanians (K‐Albanians) and Serbs (K‐Serbs). We argue that because decentralization has been linked to Kosovo's sovereignty in the years after the NATO bombings, during the final status talks, and after independence, it has not achieved intended outcomes throughout the territory of Kosovo. Instead of assuaging tensions and generating allegiance to the central government, decentralization has re‐inforced ethnic divisions and strengthened K‐Serb ties to Serbia, particularly in northern Kosovo. Concessions to majority Serb municipalities in Kosovo have been seen by K‐Serbs as a bribe to buy acceptance of independence, while K‐Albanians question their leaders' continued policy of asymmetric decentralization. Since independence, there have been some encouraging developments in southern municipalities, where K‐Serbs have participated in municipal elections organized by Pristina. Based on Kosovo's experience, we argue that policy‐makers must consider the impact of decentralization reforms at multiple levels of conflict. Further, although we find that decentralization may engage minorities in political processes if reforms are attempted after the establishment of a central government, we caution that it must be combined with policies to encourage interaction and dialogue between ethnic groups if it is to assuage conflict. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Evidence-Based Policy Research to Inform the ENP: Five Recommendations for Europe and its Neighbours

The September 2014 referendum is a milestone in Scotland’s history. After 307 years of union with England and a 15-year experience with devolution, Scottish nationalism is within reach of its ultimate goal. Independence would be consensual and Scotland and the rest of the UK would retain multiple links. The EU dimension looms large in the debate and is entangled with the UK’s own review of its membership. Scotland’s referendum is part of a wider trend seeing other ‘stateless nations’ in the democratic world pursuing independence. Even if opinion polls indicate voters will likely reject secession, Scotland’s experience holds important lessons for the wider world.     

Prosecuting high-level corruption in Eastern Europe

Do Eastern European courts effectively constrain politicians and uphold the rule of law? Criminal prosecution of grand (high-level) corruption can further the central principle of equal responsibility under the law by demonstrating that even powerful political actors have to submit to the laws of the land. This article introduces the Eastern European Corruption Prosecution Database, which contains entries for all cabinet ministers (927 in total) who served in a government that held office in one of seven post-Communist Eastern European countries since the late 1990s. The systematic data collection reveals that Bulgaria, Romania and Macedonia consistently indict more ministers than Croatia, the Czech Republic, and Poland; Slovakia has barely indicted anyone. We aim to start a research agenda by formulating hypotheses about which countries will see more corruption prosecutions and which ministers' characteristics would make them more likely to face the court. We use the database to begin testing these hypotheses and find some evidence for several associations. We find no strong evidence that EU conditionality or membership raises the profile of the grand corruption issue or leads to more indictments. Party politics seems to affect the frequency of corruption indictments more than the structure and behavior of legal institutions. Indictment rates are lower when a former Communist party controls the government and individual ministers from junior coalition partners are more vulnerable to indictment than other ministers. The existence of a specialized anti-corruption prosecution or a more independent judiciary do not seem to lead to the indictment of more ministers on corruption charges. Finally, we discuss avenues of future research that our database opens, both for the analysis of country-level and individual-level variation.