试论跨国公司的社会责任

As for international direct investment, the transnational corporations are playing a leading role in the fields of international trade, international investment and international intellectual property. In theory and reality, this authors analyze the rationale of the social responsibilities taken by transnational corporations, the main problems in the social responsibilities of transnational corporations and the legislative status, and put forward the functions of the social responsibilities of transnational corporations in promotion of the legal construction of socialist market economy, the reform of the corporate governance and the development of transnational corporations in China. Wang Chuanli, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor of China University of Political Science and Law, Vice-chairman of China Society of International Economic Law, and Vice-chairman of Research Institute of WTO Law (China Law Society), also Arbitrator of China International Economic & Trade Arbitration Commission and Beijing Arbitration Commission. Her main publications are “The Legal Effectiveness of Foreign Economic Contracts”, “International Trade Law of Sales of Goods”, “International Protection of Intellectual Property Rights” and “International Trade Law Government Control on Business”. Moreover, she has published over ten influential discourses on international economic law. In addition, her ongoing research projects include WTO Agriculture Agreement and the Rules of International Agri-products Trade, WTO and International Core labor Standards, and the Role of Judicial Independence of European Court of Justice to Promote the Integration of Europe.     

改善家族企业内部控制和内部管理的措施

本文通过对家族企业内部控制与公司治理弱化,经营控制权过于集中所导致问题的剖析,阐述了如何完善我国民营企业公司治理结构和内部控制制度、提高企业运作效率和会计信息质量等措施。     

充分认识和把握安全生产的重要意义

解决长期以来制约我省发展的安全生产问题，必须首先从深层次上解决认识问题。充分认识和把握实现安全生产的重要意义，就需要把能否实现安全生产提到事关人民群众根本利益的高度，就需要把能否实现安全生产提到事关党的执政能力建设和先进性建设的高度，就需要把能否实现安全生产提到事关社会和谐稳定的高度。     

基金会治理的法律道路——《基金会管理条例》为何遭遇“零适用”？

通过选择财产权构造、绩效观察度、资源依赖度和公共关联度来建立基金会治理机制的分析框架,并就相关要素如何影响法律规范的配置进行了研究。对全国性基金会年报资料的研究表明,中国基金会与政府的＂非对称依赖关系＂正在被打破,政府同时是社会慈善市场的推动者、监管者和垄断者,由此需要导入司法审查,建立多中心主义的法律治理模式。首先,未来的中国民法典需要借助＂转介条款＂实现公法规范与私法规范的对接;其次,强制性和禁止性规范的配置要以保护公众知情权为中心;最后,配置诱致性规范以激励基金会主动接受外部监督。     

Bagehot Smiling: Gordon Brown's ‘New Constitution’ and the Revolution that Did Not Happen

The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination.     

我国公司治理模式的选择——以股东中心主义为目标

对实践中的英美公司治理模式和德日公司治理模式进行详尽的对比,指出它们的理论基础分别是股东中心主义和利益相关者利益平衡主义,有其各自的经济、文化背景;对照我国新兴加转型的社会现实,主张我国公司治理应以股东中心主义为理论基础,并以此对新公司法的创新与不足进行评议。     

试论加强党的执政能力建设

执政能力建设的提出具有深刻的背景,我们要准确把握执政能力建设的内涵和发展方向。只有取得高的执政效率的执政党才能具有高的执政能力。而执政方式问题决定着执政活动的成本与产出,是执政效率的决定性因素,是执政能力建设的关键。     

Polycentric Systems and Multiscale Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation in the Built Environment

Addressing climate change requires consideration of mitigation and adaptation opportunities at multiple spatial scales. This is particularly true in the built environment, defined here to include individual buildings, neighborhoods, and the spaces between. The current U.S. political environment portends fewer resources and coordinating services for mitigation and adaptation at the federal level, however, reinforcing the relevance and necessity of actions at subnational levels. In this study, we evaluate the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to the implementation of mitigation and adaptation practices, as well as the presence of polycentric systems in the built environment. We assemble a database of practices with the potential to achieve both mitigation and adaptation objectives, as well as those that may be cross‐purposed or that may achieve one but not the other. We review practices to gauge the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to mitigation and adaptation practices in the built environment, and examine the attributes of three existing adaptation and/or mitigation programs to assess the extent to which they exhibit polycentric attributes. We conclude with recommendations for a broader research agenda, including efforts to develop more in‐depth examinations into individual programs and comparative analysis of performances of different governance attributes.     

The Effects of Women Officeholders on Environmental Policy

Studies show that women and girls consistently demonstrate higher levels of concern for the environment than men and boys. Separately, research also indicates that women officeholders pay particular attention to the issues prioritized by their female constituents. Interestingly, despite the consistency of the gender gap in attitudes to environmental issues the literature has paid scant attention to the role of women officeholders in the adoption of environmental policy. The goal of this paper was to start to address that lacuna. Using pooled cross‐sectional time series analyses of environmental standards in 18 Western parliamentary democracies (1990–2012), our initial findings indicate women officeholders are associated with the adoption of higher environmental standards.     

Smokescreen Politics? Ratcheting Up EU Emissions Trading in 2017

The reform of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) adopted in November 2017 was surprisingly strong, given the previous opposition from central member‐states like Poland and key stakeholders like the energy‐intensive industries. The carbon price has also increased substantially since then. To explain why such major reform was possible, we present several findings with wider relevance. Importantly, all the actors pushing for a more ambitious reform benefitted from having a central, “second‐best” mechanism in place—the Market Stability Reserve (MSR)—which could be further tightened. By focusing cancelation on allowances in the MSR and taking place only after 2023, policy entrepreneurs managed to make the distribution of costs obscure and diffuse, whereas the benefits (a probable higher carbon price and related greater auctioning revenues for member‐states) were more specific and closer in time. That is what we call “smokescreen politics.”