自己注册商标侵权抗辩研究

商标使用的动态性、商标注册审查制度的必然漏洞、信赖保护原则和禁止重复诉讼原则是自己注册商标侵权抗辩的正当性理由,欧盟和日本相关立法佐证了自己注册商标侵权抗辩的合理性和可行性。自己注册商标侵权抗辩制度之目的是维持注册取得商标权和商标集中授权制度的稳定性并避免注册商标成为商标侵权的工具。自己注册商标侵权抗辩的构成条件包括注册商标与他人的注册商标存在冲突、用以进行侵权抗辩的注册商标有效且属于善意注册或虽非善意但已超过商标法规定的无效宣告期限、注册商标在被控侵权之前已实际使用并有一定影响、注册商标善意使用且使用方式符合商业习惯。注册商标侵权抗辩包括对损害赔偿责任和停止侵害责任的抗辩,在后商标的注册时间及冲突商标的使用状况将影响注册商标侵权抗辩的成立。对于无法被宣告无效或撤销且正常使用的注册商标可以通过附加区别标志来减轻消费者混淆的可能性。     

The Political Ecology of Austerity: An Analysis of Socio-environmental Conflict under Crisis in Greece*

The paper focuses on two largely understudied and interrelated aspects of the post-2008 economic crisis: how the politics of austerity influences the dynamics of environmental conflict and how the environment is mobilized in subaltern struggles against the normalization of austerity as the hegemonic response to crisis. We ground our analysis on two grassroots conflicts in Greece: the “no-middlemen” solidarity food distribution networks (across Greece) and the movement against gold mining in Halkidiki (northern Greece). Using a Gramscian political ecology framework, our analysis shows that by reciprocally combining anti-austerity politics and alternative ways of understanding and using “nature,” both projects challenge the reproduction of uneven society–environment relations exacerbated by the neoliberal austerity agenda.     

Does ethnic voting harm democracy?

A large literature argues that ethnic voting is detrimental to democracy. Ethnic voting may have at least three effects: (1) it can reduce uncertainty over electoral results; (2) it may increase the winner-take-all character of elections; and (3) it can lead to a process of ethnic outbidding. However, few studies have tested the effect of ethnic voting on democracy using large-N quantitative analysis. Previous tests instead look at whether ethnic fractionalization hinders democracy. Yet, ethnic diversity does not necessarily lead to the politicization of ethnicity, and it is only when ethnicity is activated as a vehicle of political mobilization that it can destabilize democracy. This article tests the effect of ethnic voting in 58 democracies worldwide between 1992 and 2015. On balance, the evidence suggests that democracies with high ethnic voting levels tend to see the quality of their democracy reduce over time relative to those with less ethnic voting. Ethnic and religious fractionalization, however, have little effect.     

防止利益冲突视野下的利益观教育

建立健全防止利益冲突制度是从源头上治理腐败,推动廉政建设纵深发展的必然选择,而利益观教育则是从思想源头上预防和治理腐败的基础,加强利益观教育,有助于增强防止利益冲突制度反腐败的效果。利益观教育是上个系统工程,需要多方面形成合力：应牢固树立马克思主义利益观,始终把人民群众的利益摆在第一位,把实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民的根本利益作为全部工作的出发点和落脚点;应建立健全具有中国特色的利益观教育体制机制,拓展教育内容,创新教育方法;应深化干部人事制度与分配制度改革,运用利益激励机制,提高党员干部廉洁奉公的积极性。     

冷战后民族主义和种族冲突原因探析--以前南斯拉夫民族主义和种族冲突为个案

前南斯拉夫是一个远未发展成熟的"混合体”,它的解体和民族冲突不能归咎于社会制度本身,而在于自身潜伏的"毒瘤”.前南斯拉夫的民族分离主义和种族冲突呈现出多层的、原始的、野蛮的、历史远因与现实近因相互作用、内部争斗与外部挤压互动的特点.这些历史远因和近因的相互作用,引发了冷战结束以来最大规模的民族分离主义运动和民族冲突.     

青年白领的工作家庭冲突及其影响因素分析——对山东青岛青年白领的调查分析

本文根据抽样调查的结果,从工作一家庭冲突和家庭-工作冲突两个维度探讨了中国转型时期青年白领的工作家庭冲突问题及影响因素.分析发现,青年白领的工作家庭冲突程度总的来说并不高;工作家庭冲突并不是女性特有的,男性的工作-家庭冲突明显高于女性,而在家庭-工作冲突中并不存在显著性差异.回归分析结果表明,个体特征、工作特征和子女观等因素都对青年白领的工作家庭冲突产生了显著影响,其中工作因素的影响最大.     

贸易摩擦背景下美国在华专利布局与中美技术竞争

围绕日趋激烈的中美科技竞争,本文使用WIPO专利申请数据,对美国在华专利布局的演进特征和优势领域进行了实证分析,并构造技术相似度指数衡量中美在我国市场的技术竞争程度。结果显示:美国在华专利申请保持年均10%的快速增长并呈现明显的阶段性攀升,形成了一批以生物技术和信息技术为代表的稳定优势技术领域。美国企业更加重视在科学密集型子领域的专利布局,通过这些领域的技术优势支撑了美国在高技术产业重点领域对我国的贸易顺差。以技术相似度指数测算,美国在华技术布局与中国自主技术布局的整体相似程度呈"V"型演化关系,从技术互补逐渐转向技术竞争,2010年后两国技术相似度维持高位,技术竞争呈常态化白热化局面。     

职务犯罪预防在化解社会矛盾中的效能研究——以农村房屋拆迁社会管理创新为视角

梳理农村房屋拆迁过程中职务犯罪的高发坏节,整理近年来该领域的重要案件,立足于检察机关职务犯罪预防的职能作用,创新社会管理化解农村社会矛盾,找出农村拆迁过程中职务犯罪预防的现状和不足,提出改进和完善之道,力图使职务犯罪预防工作在农村房屋拆迁领域起到积极作用,从而化解社会矛盾为农村社会健康稳定发展保驾护航。     

利益冲突防范与回避：基本原则与监督机制

腐败与权力主体在利益冲突中不中立、甚至直接成为利益冲突的一方有密切关系。由于非公共利益的驱动,权力必然会千方百计地摆脱监督和规范,从而形成腐败的温床。防范利益冲突,避免政府直接成为利益冲突的一方。应当坚持服从公共利益、维护社会利益、尊重私人利益三项基本原则。回避利益冲突,确保政府在各方利益冲突中保持中立,应当坚持依法处置、公平公正、公开透明三项基本原则。应当积极构建权力阳光运行机制、加强党纪政纪监督、强化人大监督、严肃行政诉讼制度,建立健全利益冲突防范与回避的监督机制。     

The motivation of European Union mediation in civil conflicts

ABSTRACT

Since the EU has expanded its common security focus in the 1990s, this important regional organisation has become the most frequent mediator in low-level civil conflicts worldwide. Under what conditions is the European Union (EU) likely to become involved in mediation in civil conflicts? Is the participation in mediation only explained by the EU's bias toward its near abroad, or is the EU more strategic? Some scholars have suggested that the EU's regional bias for its near abroad is the key explanation for the onset of EU mediation, but we propose that the reality of EU mediation presents a more nuanced story. We posit three explanations based on mediator bias: regional bias, economic bias, and normative bias. Overall, we argue that the EU will mediate in civil conflicts that are in its near abroad, but also where the EU has economic bias and where the EU can exercise its normative power in highly intractable conflicts. We test our hypotheses using statistical analysis of the UCDP low-level civil conflicts data from 1993 to 2004 and Civil War Mediation data from 1974 to 2005. We find strong support for our hypotheses, determining key factors that reveal the EU's strategic onset of mediation.