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141.
服务型政府:构建社会主义和谐社会的制度基础 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
丰海英 《中共山西省委党校学报》2009,32(2):37-39
公共服务型政府是一种新的政府治理模式,强调以公民为中心,具有服务性、法治性、有限性、透明性和高效性的鲜明特征。服务型政府的建设是构建社会主义和谐社会的必然选择,是提高国家核心竞争力的重要途径,是和谐社会题中应有之义,是和谐社会构建的制度平台。建设服务型政府要求政府从管理理念、管理职能、管理制度、管理手段和行为方式等方面实现根本性的转变。 相似文献
142.
服务型乡镇政府的职能定位及构建 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
王卉 《中共山西省委党校学报》2009,32(2):40-42
服务型乡镇政府是以公共利益为目标,以服务为行政理念,以法治为准则,以承担乡村公共责任为己任的新型政府。其职能可概括为提供公共产品,管理公共事务;培育农村市场,引导农民发展生产;完善社会管理,维护乡村社会稳定等三个方面。实现乡镇政府的职能转型需要从改革政府管理体制、创新政府管理方式、提高公务员素质等方面入手。 相似文献
143.
黎明琳 《中共南昌市委党校学报》2009,7(6):33-36
行政决策听证制度是保障公民权利的一种重要协商民主形式。随着听证制度在我国行政决策过程中的广泛适用,其自身的制度缺陷也越来越暴露,进而直接影响到听证的作用和效果,必须进一步加以创新和完善。 相似文献
144.
《社会保险法(草案)》存在问题研究 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
《社会保险法(草案)》存在一些亟需解决的重要问题:立法宗旨和基本原则不清晰,适用范围较窄,政府作用不具体,工会作用不突出和立法技术不科学等。在完善社会保险立法的过程中,应坚持公平正义、互助共济、安全稳定的社会保险立法理念,充分发挥工会在社会保险立法中的优势作用,加快社会保险立法一体化,促进我国社会保险法与国际接轨。 相似文献
145.
"欧典事件"暴露出行政监管部门的失职问题,有效的解决方法就是使权力由单向形式改为双向形式,即使"权力与责任相统一",使"有权力者必有责任". 相似文献
146.
医疗卫生改革理应寻求解决民众的"看病难"、"看病贵"问题.医疗卫生服务及其市场是医改中所有问题的归结点.在对医疗卫生服务与其市场的特殊性进行分析中,表明医疗服务市场不同于一般的商品市场与服务市场,在政府与市场的分工上针对其特点进行合理界定,既否决单纯的市场主导,也否决一味的市场化,而是二者的理性结合. 相似文献
147.
Christian Lo 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2018,41(8):650-656
The notion of going from government to governance, known as the transformation thesis, as depicted in early Governance Theory has been subjected to substantive critique. This paper explores two different stances of such critique. The first critical stance is represented by Jonathan S. Davies’ 2011 book “Challenging Governance Theory: From networks to hegemony” and entails a radical rejection of the transformation thesis. The second stance offers a more moderate reconfiguration of the transformation thesis and is represented by the recently co-authored work of several prominent governance theorists titled “Interactive Governance: Advancing the paradigm”. While both aspire to set new agendas for governance research, this paper argues that the latter reconfiguration carries a problematic preposition towards overemphasizing the separation between government and governance practices. 相似文献
148.
Gorm Rye Olsen 《European Security》2018,27(1):41-57
Transatlantic cooperation on security has a long history. In Africa, transatlantic cooperation on security is basically between France and the United States. This paper asks why the two former competitors in Africa started to cooperate and also why they are so willing to engage militarily. The central argument in this paper poses that France and the US cooperate because it is indispensable to both parties. To France, the cooperation is indispensable because the US is the only power with sufficient financial means and with sufficient air-lift capacity to transport French and African troops into conflict-ridden countries. To Washington, cooperation with Paris is indispensable because the French authorities have unique access to intelligence and knowledge about large parts of Africa. By applying a foreign policy analysis framework, the paper analyses how perceptions of decision-makers, the role of personality and leadership, the role of government institutions and political systems have impacted the relevant decisions. It is emphasised that the two different decision-making systems – the French “state dominated” and the American “society dominated” – produce the same result, namely collaboration. It suggests that the perception of a serious threat from terrorism and Islamist radicalisation overrules differences in decision-making systems. 相似文献
149.
Governments led by nonpartisan, ‘technocratic’ prime ministers are a rare phenomenon in parliamentary democracies, but have become more frequent since the late 1980s. This article focuses on the factors that lead to the formation of such cabinets. It posits that parliamentary parties with the chance to win the prime ministerial post will only relinquish it during political and economic crises that drastically increase the electoral costs of ruling and limit policy returns from governing. Statistical analyses of 469 government formations in 29 European democracies between 1977 and 2013 suggest that political scandals and economic recessions are major drivers of the occurrence of technocratic prime ministers. Meanwhile, neither presidential powers nor party system fragmentation and polarisation have any independent effect. The findings suggest that parties strategically choose technocrat‐led governments to shift blame and re‐establish their credibility and that of their policies in the face of crises that de‐legitimise their rule. 相似文献
150.
Accountability in Public Service Quasi‐markets: The Case of the Australian National Disability Insurance Scheme 下载免费PDF全文
Eleanor Malbon Gemma Carey Helen Dickinson 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2018,77(3):468-481
Australia's National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) represents the latest in a worldwide shift towards individualised funding models for the delivery of care services. However, market‐based models for care deliveries bring new considerations and dilemmas for accountability. Drawing on previous work by Dickinson et al. (2014), we examine a range of accountability dilemmas developing within the early implementation of the NDIS. These relate to accountability for the following: care outcomes, the spending of public money, care workers, and advocacy and market function. Examining these accountability dilemmas reveals differences in underpinning assumptions within the design and on‐going implementation of the NDIS, suggesting a plurality of logics within the scheme, which are in tension with one another. The contribution of this paper is to set out the accountability dilemmas, analyse them according to their underpinning logics, and present the NDIS as having potential to be a hybrid institution (Skelcher and Smith 2015). How these dilemmas will be settled is crucial to the implementation and ultimate operation of the scheme. 相似文献