The Trouble with David Goodhart's Britain

This article argues that David Goodhart's manifesto for 'progressive nationalism' is gravely misconceived, indicative of the entire cohesion and integration agenda. What he talks about as the making of a common culture involves dusting off tired traditions, scaling back individual rights to protect the 'common good', and ultimately retreating onto safe ground for Middle England. Since such measures to strengthen national solidarity are responsive only to the anxieties of the demographic majority, those who are deemed to be most prone to social marginalisation continue to be so. Goodhart, like many in New Labour's orbit, chooses to ignore that belonging is reciprocal.
The article advocates an alternative culture of citizenship - one that widens democratisation, brings individuals them into the political process and thereby engages the 'reciprocity of belonging' that the post-7/7 consensus neglects. To build a cohesive Britain, the first step - but not necessarily the last - is to conceive sustainable routes towards social and political inclusion for all.     

On Political Terror during the Soviet Expansion into Lithuania, 1918–1919

This article deals with a noticeable anomaly of Bolshevik expansion in Lithuania during 1918–1919: the refusal of the Soviet authorities to resort to terror to subdue the local population in order to export the world revolution. The author argues that the Soviets avoided political terror in Lithuania because they did not treat the Lithuanians as a nation capable of sustaining their own state. In fact, anti-Bolshevik forces employed more terror than the Bolsheviks in their attempt to drive out the Reds and uproot Lithuanian support for the Communist regime. The Lithuanian left-wing government of Mykolas Sle?evi?ius sought to contain its radicalized military and to preserve a soft-handed relationship with the local Bolshevik government.     

民族分裂主义及其治理模式研究

具有高度政治分离目标和主权诉求的民族分裂主义是导致国内、国际政治失序和政局动荡的重要因素。由于民族分裂主义不时出现在国际政治的发展进程中,不时搅动或重组原有的政治格局,因而抑制和应对民族分裂主义是必要的多民族国家治理功能。实现有效的民族分裂主义治理应当从分析民族分裂主义的特点和诱发机制起步。发生普遍、目标明确、诱因复杂、认同坚韧是民族分裂主义的特点。利用和强化族性认同、渲染政治主张、通过动员形成集体行动、获取外部支持等环节构成了民族分裂主义行动的诱发机制。因循民族分裂主义生成与发展的机理,从无条件捍卫主权的理路采取的严厉打击模式,从不同程度赋权的理路采取政治容留模式,从消减族性动员的理路采取认同调控模式,从抑制精英力量的理路采取柔性控制模式,从转化政治生态的理路采取外部干预模式,可成为多民族国家治理中的参考。     

现代远程教育的特点及其对党校教育的作用

现代远程教育对党校教育的作用主要体现在以下几个方面:现代远程教育手段在党校教育中的普遍应用,使学员的学习具有更多的灵活性;有利于培养干部和学员的创新能力和信息应用能力,以适应21世纪社会经济发展对人才素质的要求;为人们的终身学习创造了良好的条件。     

改革开放使首都的长途客运飞速发展

经过20年的发展,北京市长途客运事业从“乘车难”发展到优质服务的全新阶段,通过增加运力、增开客运线路等措施,已初步形成以北京为中心,辐射全国的最大的道路长途旅客运输线路网络。     

中国工会解决拖欠劳动者工资的进展及问题分析——国家实体主导向劳动者与用人单位自协自洽转变

中国工会解决工资拖欠的基本问题是,出现了"挤出效应",劳动关系当事人劳动者与用人单位之间的调解被行政、司法甚至刑法所"挤出".进一步解决问题的选择应该是,从偏重行政、司法甚至刑法向关注劳动关系基本主体自行调解转变,在体制上实现国家实体主导向劳动者与用人单位自协和自洽的转变.     

The Indigenous in the Plural in Bolivian Oppositional Politics

This article examines how currents of Bolivia's indigenous movement are gravitating to the city and to the centre of national political life, capitalising on popular sentiment against the political status quo, economic privatisation and violations of national sovereignty. The Movement Toward Socialism led by Evo Morales does not promote a separatist ethno-national project; instead, it uses regional, national and international coalition building to equate indigenous with non-indigenous issues through resonant political analogies that frame Bolivia's national crisis of political legitimacy in terms of indigenous rights, while making common cause with diverse urban popular sectors who, if not indigenous, recognise their indigenous cultural heritage as a crucial background to their own struggles against disenfranchisement.     

Cuban Historiography in the 1960s: Revisionists,Revolutionaries and the Nationalist Past

This article examines nationalist historiography in revolutionary Cuba, focusing in particular on the relationship between pre‐revolutionary ‘revisionist’ histories and the revolutionary historiography produced after 1959. Despite agreement among the revolutionaries on the need for new histories to respond to the needs of the revolutionary age, the dominant nationalist historiography of the Revolution repeated many of the myths of the ‘bourgeois’ histories of the past. In the 1960s, however, several historians working at the margins of academia emerged to challenge the nationalist myths perpetuated by both their republican counterparts and by their Marxist adversaries in the University School of History. Yet despite many significant historical re‐interpretations undertaken during the Revolution, many of the sacred cows of Cuban nationalism remained firmly on their plinth.     

以指纹工作站为切入点寻找刑事技术新的增长点——铁路公安处对基层指纹工作站日常管理工作的探索与实践

近几年来指纹自动识别系统迅速在全国推广应用,并在实际工作中发挥了明显的破案效益.如何使基层的指纹远程比对工作站发挥作用,为铁路公安日常工作增添新的活力,并和查堵追逃等工作紧密结合起来,提高查堵追逃工作的水平和效率,这是新形势下我们铁路公安刑事技术部门面临的重大课题,也是必须认真思考的迫切问题.     

Culture and theater as foundation for national identity formation in the Russian far east: where Europe meets Asia

Although most contemporary theories of nationalism and identity formation rest on some form of social constructivism, few theorists of nationalism and identity formation interrogate social constructivism as a social construction – a social science concept “imposed” on the non-self-consciously constructivist behaviors of people, who generally do not believe they are engaging in construction. Since social constructivism – unless it is a metaphysics about what is real – is really about the concept of social construction, the first task of constructivists is to ask not how various populations have engaged in social construction but how social construction should be defined. As this article shows, constructivism is at best a run-of-the-mill theoretical approach – perfectly respectable, but no different from any other theoretical approach in the social sciences. It is only when social constructivism makes outlandishly radical claims – that all of reality or all of social reality is constructed – that it is unusual, exciting, and wrong.