台湾外省第二代李国修戏剧中的创伤记忆与超越

作为台湾具有代表性的外省第二代作家,李国修接收到了父辈遗留下来的移民身份和创伤记忆,从而形成了自己的创伤体验,并将之作为其戏剧表达的主要课题.他以戏剧形式记录并修补了父辈的创伤与遗憾.同时,面对父辈传递下来的创伤体验,他也以戏剧艺术纾解、治疗自己对灾难重演的恐惧和身份认同被破坏的焦虑,表达了对生命安定的渴求.从创伤心理学的理论视野对李国修的戏剧创作进行观照,既能真切感受到台湾外省第一代的移民创痛,更可深入理解台湾外省第二代所特有的现实和精神处境,从而对台湾社会有更为深刻的理解.     

World heritage and the local politics of memory: the Miike coal mine and fu no isan

Abstract

This article investigates the complex relations between heritage and memory through an analysis of the UNESCO World Heritage ‘Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution’ and its component Miike coal mine. When discussing this World Heritage Site, scholars and the media have focused on the diplomatic controversy over the history of forced labour between Japan and South Korea, interpreting it as a new example of a dispute over history in East Asia. However, this understanding oversimplifies the relations between heritage and memory. Based on fieldwork research and documentary analysis, this article investigates the diversity and complexity of the collective memory of Miike coal mine from a local perspective. The results show that there is a sharp dissonance between the World Heritage story and some of the ex-miners’ memories, which focus on the negative past, fu no isan. Documentary analysis shows that fu no isan has two different but closely related meanings: negative legacy and negative heritage. Fieldwork research reveals that the various commemorations of fu no isan in the local community, mainly based on ex-miners’ social networks, constitute a form of vernacular memory, independent from the official memory of the World Heritage. Finally, I conclude that heritage can be public memory, rather than just official memory, as long as it is open to plural memories of the past.     

Understanding complicity: memory,hope and the imagination

ABSTRACT

This paper addresses the thorny issue of complicity with wrongdoing under conditions of systemic political violence, such as authoritarianism, totalitarianism or military occupation. The challenge of dealing with collaborators – those who colluded with the apparatus of repression or who benefitted from its existence – is central to subsequent processes of justice and memory-making. This paper proposes several arguments. Firstly, it claims we need to think about complicity and resistance not dichotomically, but as a continuum of locations individuals can occupy. Secondly, these locations are influenced by the agents’ positionality within the social world, each agent being situated at the intersection of several axes of distinction: class, gender, racialisation, and religion, among others. Thirdly, to understand complicity we also need to draw a connection between individual’s experience of time and their actions: temporality is experienced from within a social position, through the interplay between memory, imagination and hope. Positionality thus affects one’s memories and self-understanding, the scope of one’s imagination, as well as the type and intensity of one’s hopes. Therefore, individuals’ capacity to build on the past to imagine a future, to invest emotionally in the future and act accordingly are interrelated aspects of their experience, which will influence how they navigate the muddy waters of systemic wrongdoing, more or less complicitly. To give concreteness to these three theoretical arguments, the paper discusses several forms of complicity with violence during the Vichy Regime in France.     

闺媛与国事:戊戌六君子遗孀的生命际遇

戊戌六君子死难以后,身后未亡人的故事,长期以来只是模糊的身影,少有研究者集中关注。在慷慨壮烈的志士书写背后,她们不同的人生际遇和命运抉择,集中体现了新旧道德之间的角力以及变局时代"贤媛"角色的艰难转型。借助报刊、文集、日记、年谱、地方志、回忆录等材料返回历史现场,在公众目光和新闻舆论之外,钩沉六君子遗孀们的个体生命历程,梳理这些湮没在百年时光中的女性故事,能够发掘清季闺媛与国事之间的历史张力,展现文本背后的创伤书写与历史记忆。     

¿Hacia una “nueva época” en los estudios de memoria social?

Social memory is currently a central topic at both the rhetoric and the academic level. This has led to a remarkable theoretical and conceptual effervescence in this field. While for some authors such state of affairs suggests a lack of precision and clarity –terminologically as well as conceptually– and even warns us about the imminent ‘fatigue’ of the field, our analytical perspective is consistent with those authors who point to a reconfiguration of the manifestations of memory and the social arenas associated with it. Through an analytical historicization of terminological and conceptual developments in memory studies, this paper outlines a first and second ‘era’ of memory studies, towards the beginning and end of the last century. It also points to the emergence of a third period, a ‘new era’ in memory praxis and theory. As part of broader processes of globalization and transnational flows, as well as hypermobility of individuals and cultural objectification, fuelled by increasing technological capabilities and media literacy, unprecedented mnemonic modes, practices, and spaces develop. This scenario suggests a need for new perspectives, which can dialogue with existing ones, and an expansion of the theoretical and conceptual focus on the transformations and continuities of memory.     

Building in the Imagin(ed)(n)ation: An Essay Inspired by W.B. Yeats' – ``Meditations in Time of Civil War'

Ireland is a country haunted by a past which refuses to remain buried. This past irrupts and interupts in texts as diverse as the Irish Constitution and the poems of W.B. Yeats. This piece ruminates on the representation of the state's violent past in legal texts and in the poetry of W.B. Yeats and Paul Muldoon and attempts to draw links between the personal and the political narration of violence. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Entangled history and politics: Negotiating the past between Namibia and Germany

The relationship between Namibia and Germany is marked by intense exchanges about the meaning and the consequences of the colonial wars of the early twentieth century in the erstwhile German colony. This engages various state and civil society actors including groups from across the political spectrum in Germany, whereas in Namibia the debate concerns the descendants of the victims on the one hand and German-speaking Namibians on the other.

The article explores this discursive situation and brings out a range of relationships and interactions to be understood as expressions of an entangled history that eschews attempts of appropriation on one side. The problems emerge most poignantly in terms of the still ongoing exchanges around the denial of genocide in 1904–8 which, given that the framework of the debate is predicated to considerable measure on German history, inevitably points to the Holocaust. A further strand of acting out and negotiating historical responsibility concerns the mode of apology and redress which remains a contended question. Not least, this involves an incoherent set of state and non-state actors on both sides. Here, the call for dialogue made particularly by Namibians raises the sensitive issues of intercultural communication.     

Strength in diversity: multiple memories of the Soviet past in the Russian Communist Party (CPRF), 1993–2004

This paper investigates collective memory of the Soviet experiment in the narratives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), in the period of 1993–2004. My research finds that ideological differences within the CPRF led to the creation of multiple and contrasting depictions of the Soviet past in the discourse of its leaders. Challenging dominant assumptions, I argue that these differences did not conflict and undermine one another, but were structured to strengthen the public appeal of the CPRF. The paper adds empirical findings to the study of the CPRF and of collective memory at the (so far underdeveloped) level of public organizations. The paper also challenges the prevailing assumption that diverging historical narratives necessarily imply conflict and contestation.     

Collective memory and reputational politics of national heroes and villains

The politics of memory plays an important role in the ways certain figures are evaluated and remembered, as they can be rehabilitated or vilified, or both, as these processes are contested. We explore these issues using a transition society, Georgia, as a case study. Who are the heroes and villains in Georgian collective memory? What factors influence who is seen as a hero or a villain and why? How do these selections correlate with Georgian national identity? We attempt to answer these research questions using a newly generated data set of contemporary Georgian perspectives on recent history. Our survey results show that according to a representative sample of the Georgian population, the main heroes from the beginning of the twentieth century include Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Ilia Chavchavadze, and Patriarch Ilia II. Eduard Shevardnadze, Sergo Ordzhonikidze, and Vladimir Putin represent the main villains, and those that appear on both lists are Mikheil Saakashvili and Joseph Stalin. We highlight two clusters of attitudes that are indicative of how people think about Georgian national identity, mirroring civic and ethnic conceptions of nationalism. How Georgians understand national identity impacts not only who they choose as heroes or villains, but also whether they provide an answer at all.     

The birth of the memory of Communism: memorial museums in Europe

This article argues that the memory of Communism emerged in Europe not due to the public recognition of pre-given historical experiences of peoples previously under Communist regimes, but to the particularities of the post-Cold War transnational political context. As a reaction to the uniqueness claim of the Holocaust in the power field structured by the European enlargement process, Communism memory was reclaimed according to the European normative and value system prescribed by the memory of the Holocaust. Since in the political context of European enlargement refusing to cultivate the memory of the Holocaust was highly illegitimate, the memory of Communism was born as the “twin brother” of Holocaust memory. The Europeanized memory of Communism produced a legitimate differentia specifica of the newcomers in relation to old member states. It has been publicly reclaimed as an Eastern European experience in relation to universal Holocaust memory perceived as Western. By the analysis of memorial museums of Communism, the article provides a transnational, historical, and sociological account on Communism memory. It argues that the main elements of the discursive repertoire applied in post-accession political debates about the definition of Europe were elaborated before 2004 in a pan-European way.