Citizenship and migration in Arab Gulf monarchies

In many industrialized countries, the issue of migration has traditionally raised the question of whether migrant groups fully enjoy citizenship rights. Political debates about models of migration emphasize either the values of cultural diversity or the value of integration into ‘host’ societies, whereas fear and security concerns are often embedded in more populist debates. In the Arab Gulf region, as in many other regions, such as East Asia, this debate has taken distinctively different shapes, partially because the concept of citizenship remains a contested notion not just with regard to migrants, but also with regard to local populations. In addition to the contested nature of citizenship, migrants' lack of citizenship rights fulfils distinctive functions in what Saskia Sassen calls ‘global cities’. This concept links the Arab world with a new phenomenon of globalized migration in which the lack of both integration and citizenship is a defining principle. Using these two perspectives, this article examines the relationship between citizenship rights and migration in the Gulf region, drawing on data from the UAE along with Bahrain, Kuwait, and Qatar.     

社会政策与流动儿童少年义务教育的社会融合

流动儿童少年义务教育问题涉及教育机会的平等和教育过程的平等,平等权利的实现就是从社会排斥走向社会融合,社会政策作为对社会资源的有权威性的再分配,是对现实社会问题的有效回应,其目标就是增强社会的整合和稳定,全面提升社会整体的生活质量。因此,社会政策在流动儿童少年义务教育的社会融合过程中发挥着重大作用。     

中国人口迁移与留守子女的历史思考

中国历史上,不论是商人、军人、囚犯、官员等,还是普通老百姓,都可能在其流动的过程中产生大规模的留守子女现象,特别是在走西口、闯关东、下南洋去海外以及农村人口进城的过程中,留守子女现象都非常突出。不能把留守子女问题仅仅归因于“三农”问题的副产品,而需要用历史的眼光来看待这一问题。     

'The Suffering is Too Great': Urban Internally Displaced Persons in the Casamance Conflict, Senegal

The paper addresses the dearth of studies of displaced peopleliving in urban areas of sub-Saharan Africa through a surveyof a particular group of internally displaced persons (IDPs)created by Senegal's Casamance conflict. They originate in arural area along the Guinea-Bissau border and were displacedinto Ziguinchor, the regional capital, mostly in the first halfof the 1990s. Analysis of survey data reveals the dynamics ofdisplacement and reception, showing how IDPs used pre-existingrural–urban migration chains and social integration processes.The livelihood activities of IDPs are compared with those oftwo other groups who have largely remained in situ: people normallyresident in the periphery of the urban reception area; and peopleremaining in the rural home area. Relative to both groups, IDPlivelihoods are restricted by reduced access to primary productionsites, and IDP livelihood activities are thus more urban-basedeven than those of ordinary townsfolk.     

Governing migration from a distance: interactions between climate,migration, and security in the South Mediterranean

Links between security and migration are well established and are associated with the meaning, status, and practice of borders in the international political system. This article assesses how and with what effects the effects of environmental and climate change have entered this relationship between migration and security. It does so by assessing the EU’s external governance of migration in “South Mediterranean Partner Countries” (SMPCs): Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria, and Tunisia. It is argued that a focus on promoting “adaptation” and building “resilience” has developed that is consistent with the logic of governing migration from a distance. However, the article challenges ideas that environmental/climate change act as simple migration “triggers” and instead explores implications of movement towards and not away from risk, as well as the potential for populations to be trapped in areas that expose them to risk. It is shown that both have important implications for the relationship between migration, environmental/climate change, and security in SMPCs.     

Autonomy,residence, and return

This article argues that those unjustly displaced from a particular territory T cannot involuntarily lose their rights to reside there, or, as a consequence, their rights of return to it, even if they develop territorially grounded conceptions of the good where they now reside. The contrary position fails to accord the unjustly displaced the respect due to them in virtue of their personal autonomy. Facts commonly alleged to justify the supersession of rights of return to T only provide evidence that the unjustly displaced have abandoned their rights to reside there, or would do so if given a just opportunity to return. The rights of those now residing in T, which author argues may include those responsible for the unjust displacement, may limit the right of return but are unlikely to preclude it altogether.     

Contractualization,depoliticization and the limits of solidarity: noncitizens in contemporary Australia

Abstract

This paper seeks to analyze a particular form of noncitizenship – arising from legal long-term temporary migration – that is increasingly significant to the contemporary Australian context and to understand some of its consequences. It argues that traditional pathways of permanent settlement and full citizenship are being disrupted by new temporary migration schemes that create ‘middling’ noncitizen subjects who experience ‘patchwork’ rights and statuses across complex and diverse migration pathways. Through a close analysis of policy narratives and discourses, as well as of the existing literature on the social conditions and emerging solidarities of these noncitizens, the paper shows the various ways that noncitizenship is depoliticized and citizenship contractualized in Australia. These entwined processes of depoliticization and contractualization have intimate effects on the lives of noncitizens, and also limit and constrain the emerging solidarities that seek to challenge their exclusion. The analysis has a number of implications for the ongoing study of contemporary transformations in citizenship in other ‘immigrant democracies’ globally.     

Variation in policy success: radical right populism and migration policy

How do radical right populist parties influence government policies in their core issue of immigration? This article provides a systematic analysis of the direct and indirect effects of radical right anti-immigration parties on migration policy reforms in 17 West European countries from 1990 to 2014. Insights from migration policy theory serve to explain variations in the migration policy success of the radical right. While previous studies mostly treat migration policy as uniform, it is argued that this approach neglects the distinct political logics of immigration and integration policy. This article reveals significant variations in policy success by policy area. While immigration policies have become more liberal despite the electoral success of the radical right, when the radical right is in government office it enacts more restrictions in integration policies. Accordingly, anti-immigrant mobilisation is more likely to influence immigrants’ rights than their actual numbers.     

Care-tizenship: precarity,social movements,and the deleting/re-writing of citizenship

A series of activist efforts across Europe have been organizing under the umbrella concept of precarity, with a long trajectory of movements facing flexibilization policies, austerity programs and migratory restrictions. The rise of precarity activism in Spain has worked at the intersections of increasing vulnerability and mobility producing a prolific body of activist literature and rich repertoire of strategies. This paper explores how alternative concepts of citizenship have developed within debates among precarity organizing prior to and after the financial crisis in Europe. Concretely, feminist precarity collectives in Spain came up with the play-on-words of ‘Care-tizenship’ to evoke a different notion of political belonging with updated collective rights. The original Spanish term is arguably the result of a typo: an accidental switching of the order of vowels in the word ciudadanía resulted in cuidadanía, which totally changed the root word: from city to care. Caretizenship suggests a community of practice forged by ties of caring relationships, mutually attending to basic needs in a context of increasing vulnerability among local, migrant and emigrant populations. While far from a working institution, this activist theorization provides a ‘horizon’ to work toward constituting an opening of political imagination.     

迁移进城落户制度的回顾与思考

建国初期,城乡居民之间的迁徙基本上是自由的。1953年以后,为了满足国家工业化发展战略的需要,我国逐步形成严格控制迁移进城落户制度。在计划经济时代,迁移进城落户控制是通过颁布行政法规和具体政策、制订各种计划控制指标的办法实现的。近30年来,全国和各地推出了许多打破迁移进城落户限制的举措,取得了巨大的历史性进步,但仍没有从根本上解决户口迁移难的问题。我国现阶段还不具备完全实现迁徙自由的条件,只能坚持秩序、效率的价值取向,逐步放开迁移进城落户限制。