The nation under threat: secularist,racial and populist nativism in the Netherlands

ABSTRACT

Right-wing discourses and issues of belonging and collective identity in Europe’s political and public spheres are often analysed in terms of Islamophobia, racism and populism. While acknowledging the value of these concepts, Ke?i? and Duyvendak argue that these discourses can be better understood through the logic of nativism. Their article opens with a conceptual clarification of nativism, which they define as an intense opposition to an internal minority that is seen as a threat to the nation due to its ‘foreignness’. This is followed by the analysis of nativism’s three subtypes: secularist nativism, problematizing particularly Islam and Muslims; racial nativism, problematizing black minorities; and populist nativism, problematizing ‘native’ elites. The authors show that the logic of nativism offers the advantages of both analytical precision and scope. The article focuses on the Dutch case as a specific illustration of a broader European trend.     

Exploring Russian-Speaking Identity from Below: The Case of Latvia

Recent research on the acculturation strategies of Russian speakers in Latvia has demonstrated that there is a high level of support for integration (identifying with both Latvian and Russian cultures) compared to marginalization, separation, or assimilation. However, a number of researchers have also highlighted the negative impact of top-down narratives and discourses produced by the country's politicians and journalists. These discourses, it is argued, hamper the integration process by creating incompatible identity positions between ‘Russian-speakers’ and ‘Latvians’. Accordingly, this research turns to focus group interviews with Russian speakers in Latvia in order to uncover the nuances of their identity-forming processes, their relations with the respective Russian and Latvian states, and their acculturation strategies, which are commonly overlooked in top-down accounts. Based on the analysis of the qualitative data it will be argued that there is great potential for an integrated, yet culturally distinct Latvian-Russian identity in Latvia.     

统一多民族国家的宪制建构——新中国成立初期民族区域自治制度的奠基历程

对于民族区域自治制度在我国的确立,《共同纲领》的宪政宣示尽管具有最为重要的合法性确认意义,但这一基本宪政制度的真正奠基,则有赖于民族识别、民族干部培养、少数民族地方民主改革等一系列相关政治实践。这其中,少数民族地方民主改革可视为我国民族区域自治制度奠基的关键,它直接决定了新中国的民族治理制度是否坚持和贯彻了社会主义方向这一民族区域自治制度的最实质所在。同时,新中国通过将民族区域自治制度作为我国民族治理的基本宪政制度,也实现了清末以来多民族大国的民族—国家建构的真正飞跃。     

西南少数民族地区县域经济发展实证研究——以四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州为例

发展和壮大县域经济是边远少数民族地区摆脱贫困、促进就业、化解"三农"问题、民族团结、巩固基层政权的重要举措。在此,以四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州为例,通过引入城镇化水平、第二产业、第三产业增加值等影响经济发展的重要变量,建立线性回归模型。根据模型的分析结果,提出了促进阿坝经济发展的一些政策及路径的选择。     

新形势下海南少数民族体育文化发展思考

海南少数民族体育文化具有独特的特色风情,在不断发展过程中取得了一定成就,但随着经济社会发展的变化,遇到了许多新情况与新挑战。通过对海南少数民族体育文化传承的现状,从民族教育的视角出发,分析新形势下海南省少数民族体育文化发展面临的困境,提出适合海南省少数民族体育文化发展的对策,保障海南少数民族体育文化的传承和发展。     

贵州省少数民族大学生信仰问题研究——以贵州民族学院为例

通过对贵州民族学院少数民族大学生发放问卷、抽样调查、比较分析等手法,对少数民族大学生信仰现状以及对信仰的认识、看法,对马克思主义的认同度等问题进行了较为深入的调查研究,提出了存在的问题及对策思路。     

Procedural justice,minorities, and religiosity

The current research explores six hypotheses derived from the well-known procedural justice-based model of legitimacy in two different religious groups in Israel, and adds to the model the effect of religiosity on the perceived legitimacy of rules and institutions of social control. Our results, based on data from a representative sample of 1,216 Israeli Jews and Arabs, provide general support for the hypotheses. We found that the social order is perceived as less legitimate by the Arab minority compared with the Jewish majority, and by highly religious members of the Jewish majority compared with those who are less religious.     

论我国少数民族地区的犯罪矫正

我国复杂的民族状况决定了对我国少数民族地区犯罪进行矫正的特殊性及难度,对于少数民族地区的犯罪矫正既要考虑到国家法律的一元性,也要考虑到民族民间文化为犯罪矫正提供的多元化进路。不论是精神性矫正模式、社区性矫正模式还是正式性矫正模式,都需要针对少数民族同胞设计具有民族特点的犯罪矫正机制,使犯罪矫正工作在我国的少数民族地区获得更高的质量。     

Participation in welfare legislation—A poverty-aware paradigm

Public participation, responsive regulation, and other policy formulations are intended to draw governments down from their ivory towers and into engagement with the people. However, they paint at best, a hazy picture of who “the people” are. This superficial representation is felt, among other collectives, by people living in poverty, who not only face hunger, often accompanied by poorer health and lower life expectancy, but whose social exclusion typically goes unrecognized by the authorities. The legal framing of poverty—and, as a result, states' policy approaches to its alleviation—focuses on the material core, representing a very thin conceptualization that fails to address the social dimension. Furthermore, practical avenues for incorporating citizens' views into lawmaking—which might enrich understanding—are lacking when it comes to people in poverty. Combined with a blatantly hegemonic stance, the resulting ignorance around poverty and “the poor” generates welfare laws that are woefully out of touch with reality, and legislative thinking that perpetuates, rather than alleviates, poverty. This paper seeks to make a twofold contribution: (i) to demonstrate this situation with a deep empirical inquiry into the legislative process of one legal provision within the Israeli welfare law regime, juxtaposed against qualitative field-research findings and (ii) to introduce the inventive and groundbreaking “poverty-aware” paradigm, constructed in social-work discourse, to illuminate and explain the empirical findings and point to potential procedural–institutional reform, to pave the way for poverty-aware legislation.     

空间互适共生视角下黔北傩戏永续传承体系的重构与路径研究

空间环境孕育和成就了文化,具有代表性的在地文化沉淀下来后,则成为环境的象征符号并反作用于空间环境。在设计少数民族传统文化在空间和环境中新的活动、形式乃至构成体系时,必须充分考虑尊重少数民族传统文化所生发的土壤,观照少数民族传统文化艺术形式的特征,尊重以黔北傩戏为代表的少数民族传统文化的历史文脉与当地空间环境交互的特点,才能使黔北傩戏的活力在新的时代焕发新的光彩。在开辟新的黔北傩戏传承思路时,应当以当代黔北傩戏的发展需求为要义,创造一个满足当代人对以黔北傩戏为代表的少数民族传统文化加深交互、产生需求的环境,利用当代媒介环境的需求来启发社会活动,并塑造与人的需求、文化的发展需求相适应的环境和空间。