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61.
本文针对“迷思论”和“杞人忧天论”,揭示了我国长期存在的高投资率、低消费率的客观事实;阐述了衡量投资率是否过高、消费率是否过低的理论标准;据此历数了高投资率、低消费率造成的种种严重后果;指出了上述观点并不是源自马克思主义,而是源自古典的和现代的西方经济学;分析了上述观点反映了当前我国某些特殊社会群体的利益诉求。  相似文献   
62.
63.
This article examines whether crimes motivated by, or which demonstrate, gender ‘hostility’ should be included within the current framework of hate crime legislation in England and Wales. The article uses the example of rape to explore the parallels (both conceptual and evidential) between gender‐motivated violence and other ‘archetypal’ forms of hate crime. It is asserted that where there is clear evidence of gender hostility during the commission of an offence, a defendant should be pursued in law additionally as a hate crime offender. In particular it is argued that by focusing on the hate‐motivation of many sexual violence offenders, the criminal justice system can begin to move away from its current focus on the ‘sexual’ motivations of offenders and begin to more effectively challenge the gendered prejudices that are frequently causal to such crimes.  相似文献   
64.
ABSTRACT

This article considers the hypothesis that the 2016 nomination of Hillary Clinton appeared rigged because the Democratic Party persuaded itself that the next step in guaranteeing Obama’s legacy and advancing democratic progress would be the election of the first woman president. Democracy finds logical steps in politics suspicious (even dangerous); consequently, the constructed stability and order begin to falter or appear compromised. In this context, populist figures like Trump may gain political legitimacy by claiming to be outsiders speaking with the voice of the people. Populism, founded on a mythical notion of sovereignty, promises direct access to the democratic experience through four interconnected mythologies (unity, conspiracy, the golden age, and the savior), as evident in the 2016 election. The democratic struggle accordingly extended to Trump’s attacks on the media (as “fake news”) and to the Mueller investigation of collusion between the Trump campaign and foreign actors representing the Russian government.  相似文献   
65.
This thesis is intended to interpret Jack London's The Call of the Wild from the per-spective of four western classical myths:the loss of happiness,initiation,the descent into hell and resurrection.This article is aimed at providing fans of The Call of the Wild with a new perspective in exploring the novel.  相似文献   
66.
怀特《沃斯》与净化心灵的探索   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
帕特里克·怀特的《沃斯》名为探险小说,实为一部追求超越、追求净化的人类灵魂探索史,一部再现寻求这一古老母题的现代神话。从神话原型批评的角度来看,里面众多的原型意象构筑了小说深厚的文化底蕴和意义隽永的独特魅力  相似文献   
67.
中国华夏民族广泛流传的“钻木取火”神话传说,一直被人们以为是一种钻捣木头的人工取火法。本文经过研究世界各民族原始取火方法,研究火的文明发展的历程,深入细致地研究“钻木取火”神话传说。解读其神话语境中所体现的“引火之术”的深层语义,揭示钻木取火神话传说千古之谜,并通过比较研究彰显东方“智取”与西方“豪夺”传统文化差异。  相似文献   
68.
Gräzin  Igor 《Law and Critique》2004,15(2):159-181
The textual form of law relates to language and not to narration but to myth. Law's text does not develop in the temporal sequence of past-present-future, but spreads by analogy of concentric circles. If ‘normal’ myth is a folklore of people then the law is a myth retold by lawyers. For the sake of separation of legal myth from mythology as a whole, law creates its own rituals. In post-modern societies the mythologization of law becomes even more important as the boundaries between legal and lay communities are challenged. Classical legal theories cannot deal with this change and Kafka's The Trial is as good a jurisprudence as any other legal theory. This revised version was published online in November 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
69.
美国西部"世界花园"神话与美国文学中的西部意识   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
美国开发西部,最初是为了开辟亚洲市场和南美洲市场。随着人们的不断开拓,西部渐渐成了"世界花园"和远离东部现代文明的宁静的田园乐土,这一观念深入到了美国人的意识深处。尽管开发西部的结果是把西部变成了与东部一样的现代化地区,"世界花园"神话被现实击破,但人们的西部意识并未消失。一旦他们对现代文明有所不适,便想到要回归"西部",在下意识中寻找自由的"乐土"。  相似文献   
70.
Symbols—as important and very persuasive elements of contemporary national and political mythologies and their iconography—are particulary exposed during critical periods of certain nations' history. Although the role and influences of religious organizations and hierarchies before and during the last wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina were quite different, all belligerent sides also employed religious symbols in their nationalistic/political mobilizations and military efforts. The ambition of this paper is to show the spectrum of (mis)uses of religious symbolism in these wars: Orthodox on Serbian side, Roman Catholic on Croatian, and Muslim on Bosniak' side. Comparative and sociohistorical analytical approaches can to some degree elucidate how traditional religious symbols were renewed and the new traditionalized during that time; how they were nationalized and politicized which elements of the religious heritage were most often applied; and how these symbols were exploited in military actions and politics of ethnic/religious cleansing.  相似文献   
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