丝绸之路经济带建设中金融支持与保障研究

丝绸之路经济带建设坚持“政策沟通、道路联通、贸易畅通、货币流通、民心相通”的五通原则中,货币流通是基础和先导。开展金融合作不仅是经贸合作的基础,而且也是顺应金融市场全球化和金融监管国际化的内在要求。从微观、中观和宏观三个角度阐述金融在丝绸之路经济带建设中的支持作用,分析丝绸之路经济带建设中的金融支持面临的各种挑战,建议从开发性金融为先导引领区域金融支持;拓展人民币结算和扩大互换规模,推进区域性金融支持;推进国内金融机构的国际化水平;发展互联网金融,创新金融支持模式;建立丝路区域性国际金融中心;加强国际金融治理以及金融监管协调合作。     

Violence on Iraqi bodies: decolonising economic sanctions in security studies

Abstract

United Nations agencies report that by 1998, Iraqi infant mortality had risen from the pre-Gulf War rate of 3.7% to 12%. Insufficient food and medical supplies and deterioration of sewage and sanitation systems and electrical power systems reportedly caused an increase of 40,000 deaths annually of children under the age of 5 and of 50,000 deaths annually of older Iraqis. Why is this violence on Iraqis absent from analyses of sanctions in international relations and security studies? This paper is concerned with, first, situating sanctions against the Global South as violence by challenging the conventional theorisation of violence inflicted by the hegemon as a mechanism of ‘national security’. Second, we offer a decolonial reading of the sanctions imposed on Iraq by shifting the locus of enunciation from the state to Iraqi people’s suffering.     

公安高等院校办学模式的研究与启示

公安高等院校办学模式是理论化的办学行为范式。本文从公安院校办学模式的内涵和外延入手，构建了以办学特色为核心的公安院校办学模式辐射结构，并依据该结构分析近年来相关研究的主要成果特征，比较国内外研究的差异，得出公安院校办学模式应强化政治影响力、完善办学质量评价体系、加强国内外交流与合作、加强办学理论研究、研发公安院校普适办学模式等启示，以期为提高公安高等院校办学水平提供借鉴，推动其创新发展。     

Rising to the Challenge: Europe’s Security Policy in East Asia amid US-China Rivalry

ABSTRACT

China’s growing power and assertiveness towards its smaller and weaker neighbours has been a wakeup call for the European Union and its member states which, as a result, have stepped up their involvement in East Asia. EU security policy in the region shows many elements of alignment with the United States, but also differences. In North East Asia, the EU has adopted harsh sanctions against North Korea but, contrary to the Trump administration which continues to seek regime change, has left the door open for dialogue. Moreover, the EU supports the process of trilateral cooperation among China, Japan and South Korea, while Washington has traditionally been lukewarm towards a process that excludes the US and risks being dominated by Beijing. The transatlantic allies also show differing approaches with regard to maritime disputes in the South China Sea. While EU security policy in East Asia is largely complementary to that of Washington, in some cases Europe tends – albeit inadvertently – to favour Beijing.     

战略、安全与国防财政治理

国家财政治理能有效推动国家经济建设与国防能力建设的协调发展。当前,我国外部环境正面临着复杂变化,要想改变“修昔底德陷阱”等固有观念,需要通过国防财政治理来提升财政在国防建设规划中的职能定位,持续强化财政战略规划统筹经济和国防的能力,及时消除潜在威胁,稳定地缘政治安全。国家战略、安全与国防财政治理天然地具有统一性,国防财政治理的效能越高,国家规划战略应对潜在安全威胁的选择性就越多,就越能巩固国家经济发展取得的成就。     

The Jenin Initiative: Counterinsurgency by Capacity Building

In late 2008, as negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians faltered, the US directed the Jenin Initiative on the ground in the West Bank. Designed to inspire confidence in Washington’s security-driven ‘West Bank First’ strategy, the Jenin Initiative married economic development to security sector reform under the Palestinian Authority. Drawing on the perspectives of those responsible for implementing the Jenin Initiative, this article reveals how counterinsurgency doctrine transplanted from the ‘war on terror’ shaped US interventions that built capacity in the Palestinian Authority. The Jenin Initiative exposes the extent of US intervention to create an effective apparatus of Palestinian self-policing to enhance – but not replace – that of the Israeli occupation.     

The more the merrier? Sino-Japanese security relations in the context of complex interstate rivalry in the Asia-Pacific region

Abstract

This paper analyses the evolution of Sino-Japanese rivalry in the security sphere concentrating on the Chinese perspective, and placing it within the wider context of complex interstate rivalry between China, Japan and the United States. From a theoretical viewpoint, this research contributes to the literature on interstate rivalry from multiparty perspective, which has been overlooked in existing research. China–Japan–US complex interstate rivalry includes elements of positional, spatial and ideological rivalry simultaneously. When rivalries mix two or more rivalry types, they become more difficult to resolve. The two broad trends of China’s military build-up and deepening US–Japan alliance evolve in tandem intensifying rivalry dynamics and increasing positional elements of rivalry. There are many indications on various levels that for China, controlling Japan’s international ambitions has become less important and more attention is paid to ways in which Japan helps the United States in reaching its objectives in Asia through their alliance agreement. The cases analysed to display complex interstate rivalry include the Taiwan question, territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas, and the North Korean nuclear issue.     

提高公安院校思政课教学实效性初探

在国际国内形势和公安工作变化的新形势下,本文针对新时期公安院校大学生的思想特点,结合公安院校思想政治理论课教育教学现状,探寻提高公安院校思想政治理论课教学实效性的现实路径。通过对公安院校思想政治理论课教学所面临的新情况、新挑战的分析,提出有效对策和解决方案,不断增强公安院校的思想政治理论课教育和教学的实效性,以便实现公安院校思想政治理论课真正的"入脑、入心",对做好培养预备役警察思想政治教育工作,发挥思想政治理论课在公安人才培养中的价值具有极其重要和深刻的意义。     

新时代中国参与中东安全治理的理念与实践

进入新时代以来,中国始终坚持共同、综合、合作、可持续的安全观,倡导构建中东安全新架构。在参与中东传统安全治理、化解地区冲突方面,中国始终推动对话协商,致力于公正合理解决中东热点问题,构筑兼顾各方合理关切的集体安全架构。在改善地区安全环境方面,中国抓住中东地区主要安全矛盾,顺应地区国家寻求缓和与发展的时代潮流,取得了促成沙特与伊朗复交的重大成果。在参与非传统安全治理方面,中国与中东国家共同提高应对非传统安全威胁的能力,共同维护发展中国家的权益。在参与中东安全治理的过程中,中国形成了以共同安全破解独享安全、以综合安全破解分割安全、以合作安全破解竞争安全等理念和经验,在中东安全事务中发挥了重要的建设性作用。     

The October 2011 Kenyan invasion of Somalia: fighting al-Shabaab or defending institutional interests?

This paper asks why Kenya invaded Somalia in October 2011. It scrutinises five possible explanations as to why Kenyan decision-makers decided to invade neighbouring Somalia. The explanations are inspired by different theoretical frameworks. Some are inspired by theories developed to analyse Western societies, whereas others are inspired by theoretical reflections aimed at understanding politics in Africa. It is concluded that the decision to invade Somalia was made because of the institutional and ‘bureaucratic’ interests of the Kenyan Defense Forces (KDF) advanced by a limited number of men of Somali-Kenyan origin who pursued their own interests. Security and economic concerns did play a role, while the paper dismisses that the invasion can be understood as a consequence of the Kenyan government pursuing an ‘international image management strategy’. Theoretically, the paper concludes that ‘Western’ theories may contribute to explaining the launch of ‘Linda Nchi,’ whereas Africa-focused theories like neo-patrimonialism seem less helpful in this particular context.