全文获取类型
收费全文 | 232篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 23篇 |
工人农民 | 29篇 |
世界政治 | 27篇 |
外交国际关系 | 24篇 |
法律 | 54篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 47篇 |
综合类 | 25篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 18篇 |
2016年 | 12篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 58篇 |
2012年 | 29篇 |
2011年 | 21篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有232条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
201.
《Women's history review》2012,21(7):1115-1135
ABSTRACTIn this article, the trade union newspaper Journalisten is used to analyse the development of women's non-unionised activism in Swedish newsrooms between 1961 and 1989. By adopting a social movement approach to workplace activism, it is shown that the heyday of women journalists’ collective action was in the 1970s. However, individual journalists before and after played a central role in campaigning for change in gendered work cultures, creating a space for feminist consciousness within the profession. Although not all women journalists were feminists, the feminist movement of the late 1960s and 1970s was a source of inspiration for some, giving impetus to non-unionised activism in various newsrooms. 相似文献
202.
胡桥 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2011,1(3):18-25
中国能动司法的背后具有特定的动机、目的。能动司法的动机可分为:主导动机与非主导动机、外部动机与内部动机、近景动机与远景动机,其动机特征呈现应急性和特殊性。能动司法的目的可分为:短期目的与长期目的、政治目的与法律目的、初级目的与高级目的,其目的具有短期性和政治性特征。因此,能动司法的意义是有限的。它只是提出了中国司法裁判中能动性或灵活性与确定性之间的关系问题;彰显了法律实用主义的司法观念;成为中国“大立法时代”结束及“大司法时代”到来的一个信号。中国司法的真正希望不仅在于是否能动司法,还在于是否全面、深入的司法制度改革。 相似文献
203.
This article examines how activism against austerity is organized and manifested in London. Given that anti-austerity activists are addressing issues related to social welfare, we examine whether there are alliances between the activists and voluntary organizations (VOs) that are working in that field. Examining the challenges involved in creating and sustaining alliances, we argue that the regulatory context alone is an insufficient explanation as to why activist–VO alliances are difficult to establish and maintain. We contend that more significantly, it is VOs’ and activists’ divergent and at times irreconcilable stances, which we refer to as the consensus and dissensus stances, respectively, which impede activist–VO alliances, beyond episodic interactions, from developing. 相似文献
204.
Guy Burton 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(1):169-184
In 2011 Palestinian youth joined together across the Green Line, demonstrating grassroots solidarity and a challenge to the elite consensus in favour of the two-state Oslo process. The movement drew inspiration from the concurrent Arab Spring and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, organising joint demonstrations in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. However, the movement struggled to develop as a result of challenges regarding its objectives, strategy and representation, and of external threats from Israel and Palestinian political elites. 相似文献
205.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(5):1108-1126
In this article, we examine the reasons behind national parliamentary engagement in the political dialogue with the Commission. We do so through a qualitative content analysis of over 200 national parliamentary opinions submitted to the Commission in recent years and interviews with national parliamentary representatives and Commission officials. We demonstrate that national parliaments’ engagement with the Commission is not simply a story about venue shopping in which parliaments seek to compensate for their domestic weaknesses. Their activity is driven by a rich repertoire of institutional actions, where parliaments simultaneously act as institutional lobbyists, traditionalists and communicators. They follow three main strategies, including attempts to control their government, influencing EU legislation directly, and engaging in parliamentary branding. Direct parliamentary lobbying of the Commission does not, however, render parliaments’ traditional role of controlling their government redundant as it improves domestic scrutiny methods. 相似文献
206.
《香港截取通讯及监察条例》的制定与实施是香港秘密侦查法治化进程中的里程碑事件。条例的出台直接渊源于香港法院秉承的司法能动主义。该条例对大陆秘密侦查法治化具有借鉴意义。 相似文献
207.
论司法能动主义的基础 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李辉 《西南政法大学学报》2011,13(1):17-22
司法能动主义强调法官的能动性,认为法官可以超越成文法和先例的约束进行司法解释,以法官自己对宪法的理解来代替立法、行政机关的决定。司法能动主义有着深厚的理论与现实的基础,其法哲学基础是新原意主义,宪政基础是共和主义,而现实依据则包括法官自由裁量权、行政权的扩张、自治法向回应法的转变等。 相似文献
208.
Brice Dickson 《The Modern law review》2006,69(3):383-417
This article begins by commenting on an analysis undertaken by the late Stephen Livingstone of 13 cases relating to the troubles in Northern Ireland decided by the House of Lords between 1969 and 1993. It then attempts to repeat the analysis in respect of 12 such cases decided between 1994 and 2005. Areas of law arising for consideration during both periods include the rules on the use of lethal force, aspects of substantive criminal law and criminal procedure and the rights of persons arrested or imprisoned. The more recent cases also raise fundamental questions concerning the status and meaning of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. The article concludes that there has been a sea-change in the way the Law Lords have handled the Northern Irish cases. From treating them in a way which might have suggested a built-in bias in favour of police, army and government perspectives, they have moved to analysing the competing arguments in the light of more modern approaches to statutory interpretation, the rule of law and human rights. 相似文献
209.
反对解释是法治社会的一个原则。这一原则强调,对明确的法律规范,尤其是强制性法律规范,法官等法律人应该直接认定其意义并加以贯彻,而不能解释,尤其不能过度解释。反对解释的场景是个审判等活动“语境”的问题,但由于场景都是片断,因而难以从理论上系统叙述,所以,我们只是把场景作为思考的起点和归宿,在法治理念下叙说反对解释的一般要求。我们相信,法制要求人们对法律规范的固有意义保持克制,要求尊重法律的权威。能动主义是一种克服司法机械的思路。司法能动主义者几乎把严格等同于机械。但法制恰恰是因为有了适度严格才显示其魅力,如果到处能见到灵活那就不可能有法制。近百年来,几乎所有的法学都围绕着维护或破除法律的严格(或机械)而展开。但从法制基本教义看,司法克制主义是主流,而能动主义只能在克服法律过于死板,或协调法律与社会正义的严重冲突时才显现其功用。反对解释的主体是所有的适法人员,对不同的主体有不同的要求。 相似文献
210.
法律解释:克制抑或能动 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
近来,实务界一直在高调倡导能动司法或司法能动,从而勾起了理论界对司法能动主义探讨的热情。像往常一样,实务界提出的问题,基本是在感觉的基础上理解能动意义的,没有经过认真的论证。从哲学的意义上看,司法能动是法律解释的本质,然而法治要求法律人应该是理性、克制地能动司法,否则能动就变成了毁坏法治的口号。在司法过程中即使少不了能动也不能忘记根据法律进行思维,不顾法律意义的安全性而任意能动不符合法治的基本要求。 相似文献