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211.
在现代社会中,司法成为一种专门且相对独立的活动,这不仅是分权制衡的必要和纠纷解决的产物,也是现代国家统治正当化的策略选择。由此,司法活动既受内在限制,也蕴含了影响国家治理和社会发展的潜在力量。面对人们司法预期增长与法院自身能力不足的矛盾,司法力量的铸成需以克制为基本立场,并依靠相应的制度和司法技艺灵活处理可能危及自身安全和正当性的社会需求。相形之下,转型中国的司法尚未完成现代化就已经无法避免能动的角色担当,其力量的培育不仅需要在审判独立性方面着力,而且还要注重为法院"减压",并理性认识和评估法官实践中的智慧。 相似文献
212.
民事法官所享有的依法合理解释、平衡、选择法律以及填补法律缺漏的特有能动性是两大法系国家的一致选择。审视我国法官能动性所经历的严苛限制、悄然使之到日益凸显的过程,揭示了处于经验层面的法官能动性的失范现象及其主要根源。为确保法官能动性应有功效的发挥,我们应着力从核心理念、追求目标、基本原则、明析规则、技术规范和配套措施等方面构建具有中国特色的法律规则与法官能动性共生的民事司法运作模式,以强调法律解释和辩证推理等司法技术在解决法律确定性弱化问题的功用时,克服逻辑推演的局限性,实现民事诉讼之目的。 相似文献
213.
Following the “Encountering Human Rights” conference in January 2007, Emily Grabham interviewed Tania Pouwhare, a women’s
rights activist working at the Women’s Resource Centre in London. Their discussion engaged with the professionalisation of
activism, funding constraints and New Labour policies and their impact on immigrant women. Against a background of financial
insecurity and huge demand for their services, many women’s organisations in the United Kingdom struggle to use human rights
law to advance women’s rights. Nevertheless, the rhetoric of human rights remains powerful within women’s activism, and law
remains relevant as a potential form of ‘direct action’ and “another way of making a really big fuss”. 相似文献
214.
土司制度是中国封建王朝在少数民族聚居区和杂居区实行的一种特殊的统治制度。清朝大规模改土归流后 ,土司制度逐渐被废除 ,但到民国时期云南仍有土司存在。本文根据国民政府对土司的几次调查 ,拟从民国时期云南土司存在的原因、国民政府对云南土司的调查及调查总结 3个方面进行探讨 ,说明民国时期云南一直存在土司制度 ,云南土司的存在体现了民国时期云南政治统治的两重性特点。 相似文献
215.
《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2013,6(2):113-130
Abstract This paper explores the diasporic ‘politics of home’ of Congolese migrants in Europe, in particular in the UK, and to a lesser extent in Belgium. We focus on the fragmentation and heterogeneity of the diasporic political sphere by examining the role of first generation activists, religious groups, as well as youth and women's organisations. Within the transnational political field, first generation leaders are in a dominant position and the involvement of other groups, such as women and young people is marginalised by their control of the diasporic ‘rules of the game’ in the Bourdieusan sense. However, the increasing involvement of Congolese women in the field of women's rights advocacy has opened up new paths of political action which can, in certain occasions, lead to transnational forms of engagement. Similarly, second generation Congolese activists are constructing a space of autonomous engagement, relying heavily on the Internet and especially on social media, some attempting to link up with wider social movements. The paper provides an understanding of the social and political construction of these different fields of diasporic engagement as well as their intersectional and dialogical relations. 相似文献
216.
Ayşe Aslıhan Çelenk 《Contemporary Politics》2016,22(2):232-247
The position of judiciary in politics is an important area of discussion for both legal and political experts. The issue has particularly been on Turkish political agenda for the past decade with the emergence of a strong single-party government under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi-JDP) rule. This article aims to analyse the evolution of relations between the judiciary and executive in Turkey from a historical perspective by examining the Republican era until the JDP rule. The struggle over the control of institutions becomes more visible during periods of strong government and the analysis shows that the idea of an independent, apolitical judiciary is a myth that was created by the institutional and legal design of the Republic in the Turkish case and is not peculiar to the JDP government. 相似文献
217.
This paper suggests that the nature of activism is changing to take account of the shifts in political and economic conditions. It further goes on to consider that as a result of these emerging trends we have witnessed a generational shift in how governments, businesses, interest groups and citizens will interact. It is possible to place the issues and questions that this new environment raises under a number of broad headings—Democracy and Dissent, Government and Parliament, Media, and Lobbying –each of which the paper deals with in turn. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
218.
This introduction summarizes the contributions to the Special Issue that focus on the spread of intolerant and racist discourses in Denmark, Italy, Spain, Greece, and Hungary. Through a comparative approach, the issue argues that what has been decisive in this process is the role played by mainstream political parties that perceive intolerance against the “other” as the natural outcome of the failure of previous tolerant policies on immigrants and minorities. Even if brought forward with different argumentation in each case, intolerance is introduced in all five countries as a principled position under the pretext of protecting European citizens’ rights. 相似文献
219.
D. J. Mulloy 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(5):857-858
This article examines key setting events and personal factors that are associated with support for either non-violent activism or violent activism among Somali refugee young adults in the United States. Specifically, this article examines the associations of trauma, stress, symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), posttraumatic growth (PTG), strength of social bonds, and attitudes towards legal and non-violent vs. illegal and violent activism. Structured interviews were conducted with a sample of Somali refugee males ages 18–25 living in the northeastern United States (N = 79). Data were analyzed using multiple linear regressions and path analysis. Greater exposure to personal trauma was associated with greater openness to illegal and violent activism. PTSD symptoms mediated this association. Strong social bonds to both community and society moderated this association, with trauma being more strongly associated with openness to illegal and violent activism among those who reported weaker social bonds. Greater exposure to trauma, PTG, and stronger social bonds were all associated with greater openness to legal non-violent activism. 相似文献
220.
Bojan Bilić 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(4):607-623
The Belgrade-based activist group Women in Black has been for twenty years now articulating a feminist anti-war stance in an inimical socio-political climate. The operation of this anti-patriarchal and anti-militarist organization, which has resisted numerous instances of repression, has not been until now systematically approached from a social movement perspective. This paper draws upon a range of empirical methods, comprising life-story interviews, documentary analysis and participant observation, to address the question as to how it was possible for this small circle of activists to remain on the Serbian/post-Yugoslav civic scene for the last two decades. My central argument is that a consistent collective identity, which informs the group's resource mobilization and strategic options, holds the key to the surprising survival of this activist organization. I apply recent theoretical advances on collective identity to the case of the Belgrade Women in Black with the view of promoting a potentially fruitful cross-fertilization between non-Western activism and the Western conceptual apparatus for studying civic engagement. 相似文献