东北振兴过程中的对外开放:中俄合作

《东北地区振兴规划》提出了通过扩大对外开放,加速东北老工业基地振兴。俄罗斯是东北对外开放主要对象国。在东北振兴规划框架下,中俄区域经济合作应该是互动发展、共生发展、和谐发展。充分发挥本区域的经济优势,引进国外的资金和先进技术,提高生产效率,调整产业结构,达到生产要素的国际最佳配置,实现老工业基地的再次辉煌。《规划》初次提出了在理论上要突破以国家为单位的国际区域一体化,而在相邻的两个国家部分地区实行一体化。实践上中俄区域双方的经济合作要达到互动、共生、和谐的发展状态。为此,建议在中俄区域合作中,要把东北作为一个经济体的概念,以区域化打破原有的行政区划。     

Analysis of Y-STR loci in a population sample from northeast China

POPULATION: A total of 141 unrelated Chinese Han male individuals living in Liaoning in northeast China.     

The Unruly Past: History and Historiography of the 1932 Thai Revolution

ABSTRACT

The monarchy and the country’s military dominate discussions of Thai political history. The country’s democratic history meanwhile is much less well known. To many people, historiography – the history of the writing of history – is a dull affair that only concerns academics. But the changing representations of the origins of democracy in the 1932 revolution that ended the absolute monarchy show the politics of history as a continuous problem that still shapes Thai society. The interpretations have been bound to the bitter partisanship that has accompanied a history of political instability. This article examines the changing interpretations of 1932 in their historical contexts and demonstrates the central antagonism towards the ideal of popular sovereignty, despite its long history in the country, that is still held by the military and monarchic elite.     

Reign-seeking and the Rise of the Unelected in Thailand

ABSTRACT

This article develops the concept of “reign-seeking” to capture the unprecedented collective action of the Thai professional and official elite prior to the 2014 military coup and the establishment of a military regime. It argues that this phenomenon reflects broad and deep political dynamics, for which the dominant scholarship on authoritarianism and Thai politics cannot adequately explain. The changing incentives of these supposedly non-partisan actors are interwoven with neo-liberal governance reform driven by a desire for depoliticisation and the minimisation of rent-seeking. This idea has been rationalised in Thailand since the promulgation of the 1997 Constitution resulting in the rise of technocratic and judicial bodies designed to discipline elected politicians and political parties. However, such institutional reconfigurations have consolidated the incentive for people considering themselves to be prospective candidates to “reign” in these organisations. As evident in the 2014 coup, these unconventional political actors – academics, doctors and civil society leaders – made collective efforts to topple the elected government in exchange for gaining selection into the wide range of unelected bodies. Governance reform in Thailand has hitherto reinforced the status quo, although the article further argues that reign-seekers should be seen as contingent, rather than consistent, authoritarians.     

Thailand’s Failed 2014 Election: The Anti-Election Movement,Violence and Democratic Breakdown

ABSTRACT

Thailand’s politics is in a fragile state. A lack of consensus around basic “rules of the game” among elites and civil societal groups renders the country highly volatile and unstable. Violence has been all too evident in recent political disputes. The February 2, 2014 elections witnessed a significant change in the pattern of electoral violence. It changed from targeted killings among rival candidates to mob violence aimed at disrupting the electoral processes and institutions. The degree of violence was the highest in the country’s electoral history. Urban middle class protesters, mobilised as the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) employed violent tactics to disrupt electoral voter registration, voting and vote counting activities. Six million registered voters were affected by the closure of polling stations. The PDRC’s animosity towards the election marked an unprecedented development. By disrupting the election, it rejected the peaceful and democratic way for the public to decide who should govern. The case of the PDRC movement demonstrated that activities of confrontational civil society can sometimes cause deadly conflicts and the breakdown of democracy.     

论泰国华文报纸副刊的变迁与困境

泰国华文报副刊曾经有过一段辉煌的历史,但是随着形势的变化,华文报副刊呈现出衰败的迹象。本文通过论述副刊的历史、文学形态等,分析了副刊生存的困境,为读者认识世界华文热与中华文化传播的关系提供另一个视角。     

20世纪以来泰国马来穆斯林民族主义的演化与发展

20世纪以来,在与外界群体的互动中,泰国马来穆斯林群体的民族认同与民族意识经历了两次转变。第一次是在大泰族主义刺激及泛马来民族主义召唤下,由非政治性的地方民族主义向政治性的跨界民族主义转变,穆斯林群体民族意识高涨,并掀起了大规模的分离运动。第二次则是由于新时期泰南局势的转变及全球性伊斯兰激进思潮的影响,穆斯林群体的民族意识与认同出现了分野,多元认同与极端宗教主义成为这一群体表达民族意识的两种方式。泰南穆斯林群体民族意识和认同的演化,体现了泰国与周边地区的发展态势,折射出20世纪以来东南亚地区伊斯兰文化圈的变化发展。     

浅谈东北老工业基地改造法律保障体系的完善

加快东北老工业基地的振兴 ,这既是东北等地自身改革的迫切要求 ,也是实现国家经济社会协调发展的重要战略举措。东北老工业基地改造 ,只有以完善的法律保障体系为依托 ,具体通过法治环境、立法保障体系和司法保障体系三方面软环境的建设 ,才能取得实质成效