Les groupes d'intérêt économiques face à un changement de paradigme: le cas de l'énergie nucléaire en Allemagne

Cet article s'interroge sur les conséquences de la décision allemande de 1998, qui prévoit l'arrêt de la production d'énergie nucléaire, sur les relations entre les groupes d'intérêt économiques et les acteurs gouvernementaux. L'hypothèse est que ce changement de paradigme énergétique entraîne un changement des relations entre ces acteurs. A partir de l'étude des cadres cognitifs et des stratégies des acteurs, l'article étudie les différentes phases de transformation de la politique énergétique allemande. Si les changements graduels des années 1980 et 1990 ont mené à des adaptations à la marge, la décision de 1998, entraînant la mise à l'écart des groupes d'intérêt économiques, contraint ces derniers à élaborer de nouvelles stratégies: ils cherchent à compenser leur perte d'influence au niveau national par de nouvelles collaborations à l'échelle européenne et au niveau international. Ces stratégies restent néanmoins influencées par les structures nationales.     

我国行政复议制度的新进展

我国行政复议法与原先的行政复议条例相比 ,有较多创新之处 ;这些新变化表明我国行政复议制度有了重大的新进展 ,这是我国政府在依法治国、依法行政进程中迈出的重要步伐。     

Perceiving Self-Interest: Power,Ideology, and Maintenance of the Status Quo

We explore the perception of self-interest based on the social position of the person making a persuasive argument, and whether the argument challenges peoples representation of the social world. More self-interest is perceived when it is made on behalf of a small rather than a large group (Experiment 1), comes from a low status rather than a high status group (Experiment 2), and when it benefits an outgroup more than an ingroup (Experiment 3). We show that attempting to change the political status quo, no matter whose interests it may serve, leads to perceptions of self-interest (Experiment 4). We discuss these findings in terms of beliefs, social ideologies, and attitudes, and argue that perceptions of self-interest are often a marker of the defense of the status quo from perceived threats.     

A Naval Revolution and Institutional Change: The Case of the United Provinces

This study starting from the debate of the influence of the so-called military revolution on the emergence of modern states, analyses the neglected aspect of the influence of seapower on socioeconomic change, using a formal model. It is maintained that the choice of seapower by a state leads to a different regime than the choice of land military power, because sustainable seapower necessitates a wide alliance of interests, which brings with it more democratic regimes, develops new more efficient and complex forms of organizations, requires the acquisition and diffusion of new knowledge and expertise that brings with it institutional change and economic growth. The present study concludes with a short presentation of the United Provinces (the Dutch Republic) turn to the sea.JEL Classification: N0, N4, C7, O0     

中国古代天学视野下的刑罚运行

中国古人在对头顶天(星)空的认识上形成了独特的"天学",在"天学"的视野下,一切刑罚的运行一方面既得到以"自然之天"表现出来的"神灵之天"的最有力支持和鼓励,另一方面又受到这个"神灵之天"的制约和监督。在古人对"天"予以最高信仰的语境中,"天"对刑罚运行所体现出来的积极而客观的意义是主要的。     

元明清时期傣族成文法的形成与变迁

元代以后,傣族社会被纳入到中央王朝的政治体系中,随着中央集权的强化和南传上座部佛教的传入,傣族社会发生了巨大的变化。元代傣族的社会法律规范只是习惯法,至明清时才形成了成文法,其成文法一是体现了内地地主经济因素的影响,二是佛教精神成为其重要原则。     

Ballot-Box Vigilantism? Ethnic Population Shifts and Xenophobic Voting in Post-Soviet Russia

To what extent does voting for anti-immigrant parties relate to long-term changes in ethnic composition within states? Four theoretical models are developed, based on studies of interethnic attitudes, housing segregation, racial violence, and hate crime in the United States. Each model is tested with the data on ethnic composition of the Russian Federation from 1989 to 2002 and voting for the extreme nationalist Zhirinovsky Bloc in the 2003 parliamentary election, using multiple regression and ecological inference methods. Most consistently supported is the “defended nationhood” model derived from the sociology of neighborhood vigilantism and the psychology of the security dilemma. Non-trivial, counterintuitive findings are: (1) xenophobic voting was responsive to changes in the proportion of some ethnic groups more so than others and not necessarily those that were more numerous or more widely disliked at the time of the vote (Chechens), but those that raised more uncertainty about the future ethnic composition and identity of the state (Asians); (2) levels of change, but not the rapidity of change in the ethnic composition of the population related significantly to xenophobic voting; and (3) greater percentage of the nation’s dominant ethnic group in a region reduced xenophobic voting by members of that dominant group (the highest share of Slavs voted for Zhirinovsky in the ethnically mixed Volga-Urals area).     

When Do Issue Opinions Matter,and to Whom? The Determinants of Long‐Term Stability and Change in Party Choice in the 2003 Swiss Elections

While various studies have highlighted the short‐term importance of issue‐voting for party choice, little attention has so far been paid to its long‐term relevance. Relying on longitudinal data from the 2003 Swiss federal elections, we examine under what circumstances issue‐specific considerations affect stability and change in party choice. We postulate that the impact of issue‐specific considerations is likely to vary depending on a set of mediating factors. Analyzing four mechanisms of stability and change (reinforcement, activation, conversion, and demobilization), we find first that issues matter more when they are pressing, central, and polarizing. Furthermore, issue positions affect the vote more significantly for the parties that are more profiled on them. These results are in line with those on short‐term effects. However, they reveal a stronger influence of shifts in issue opinions in the long‐term than in the short‐term. Finally, we do not find any substantial variations in the effect of issue preferences across individual characteristics (political sophistication and party identification).     

Attainability of International Environmental Agreements as a Social Situation

This paper applies the theory of social situations to study whether international environmental agreements (IEAs), mainly those on greenhouse gas emission reductions, can be attained. A game theoretic model is generally a black box for decision makers, where the mechanisms, which lead to solution(s) of the game, are not explicitly pointed out. This paper opens this black box by making the (institutional) move rules explicit. The usual pessimistic outcome with an ineffective and small size of stable coalitions among world regions is countered. Our model challenges conventional wisdom in the sense that large coalitions are possible outcomes of the cartel game, namely by incorporating: (1) farsightedness, and (2) coalitional moves with commitment as an alternative to myopic and individual moves which characterise the cartel game. We show that even if the international negotiations on climate change mitigation are modelled as an n-person prisoner's dilemma, one cannot rule out cooperation among world regions as a solution of the game. Indeed, in most analysed situations the grand coalition is among the solutions of the game. This shows that predictions based on cartel stability may be too pessimistic if it comes to analysing incentives to cooperate in implementing international environmental policy. Moreover, in an empirically calibrated model, we find three out of six instances where Russia (with or without the US) has an incentive to sign the Kyoto protocol.     

Explaining Public Management Policy Change: Germany in Comparative Perspective

Public management policies have changed significantly in numerous countries in recent times. Policy entrepreneurs remain active in this policy domain, which encompasses government-wide rules and routines in the areas of expenditure planning and financial management, civil service and labor relations, procurement, organization and methods, and audit and evaluation. Case-oriented comparative research provides policy entrepreneurs with historically and theoretically informed knowledge useful in designing or improvising change strategies in this domain. This article focuses on the case of public management policymaking in the German federal government during the 1980s and 1990s. A coherent explanation of the careers of the overbureaucratization issue in the 1980s and the lean state issue in the 1990s is provided, along with an explanation for marked changes in selected public management policies in the 1990s. Analysis of this case is also harmonized with findings about public management policy change in the U.K., New Zealand, and Australia. Limited generalizations about the process of public management policy change are proposed. Policy entrepreneurs can factor these generalizations, plus analysis of the Germany case, into their prospective, situational analysis of the process of public management policy change.