首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   202篇
  免费   5篇
各国政治   13篇
工人农民   6篇
世界政治   20篇
外交国际关系   18篇
法律   51篇
中国政治   20篇
政治理论   26篇
综合类   53篇
  2023年   4篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   7篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   12篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   3篇
  2014年   15篇
  2013年   28篇
  2012年   13篇
  2011年   10篇
  2010年   8篇
  2009年   12篇
  2008年   12篇
  2007年   13篇
  2006年   19篇
  2005年   12篇
  2004年   8篇
  2003年   6篇
  2002年   2篇
  2001年   3篇
  2000年   5篇
排序方式: 共有207条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
Corporatisation of critical information infrastructure (CII) is rooted in the ‘privatisation wave’ of the 1980s-90s, when the ground was laid for outsourcing public utilities. Despite well-known risks relating to reliability, resilience, and accountability, commitment to efficiency imperatives have driven governments to outsource key public services and infrastructures. A recent illustrative case with enormous implications is the 2017 Swedish ICT scandal, where outsourcing of CII caused major security breaches. With the transfer of the Swedish Transport Agency’s ICT system to IBM and subcontractors, classified data and protected identities were made accessible to non-vetted foreign private employees – sensitive data could thus now be in anyone’s hands. This case clearly demonstrates accountability gaps that can arise in public-private governance of CII.  相似文献   
112.
Public services have been externalised, in part, to the non‐profit sector in France and in the United Kingdom. This article begins by reviewing relations between the public and non‐profit sector in France before 2008, and its evolution since. This has been characterised by the slow reduction of public funding, the adaptation of non‐profit associations and organisations, and their clearer positioning within a wider ‘social and solidarity economy’, which was consolidated by a framework Law in 2014. The article then examines the current sharing of responsibilities between the public and non‐profit sectors in education, health and social services, pointing to the diverse historical and political conditions which have led to this shared organisation.  相似文献   
113.
当代印尼中国观的演变对中国和印尼的双边关系乃至中国与周边国家关系产生重要影响。冷战结束以来,印尼的中国观从负面向正面方向演变。这种演变与印尼自身的民主改革、中国国力的提升与中国和印尼战略伙伴关系的确立密切相关。未来印尼的中国观将受到投资因素、跨国人口流动因素和美国因素等影响。而密切政治对话、强化社会人文交流和有序引导中国企业的投资将是保证未来印尼的中国观正向走向的关键举措。  相似文献   
114.
发展公私伙伴关系对中国政府管理的挑战及对策研究   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
公私伙伴关系是政府提供公共服务的重要方式。本文根据合作博弈与交易成本理论建立公私伙伴关系的分析框架,从提高政府讨价还价能力、减少公共部门和私人部门双方交易成本的角度,分析了发展公私伙伴关系在政府能力、制度建设、政府诚信、监管能力、危机管理和廉政建设方面给政府管理带来的挑战,并提出相应对策。  相似文献   
115.
目前,我国对于拼租房屋的法律规制仍处于空白阶段,这使得拼租房屋在实践当中产生了一系列纠纷并且无法可依、无章可循.拼租房屋与群租房屋概念的混淆也使得法律对于拼租房屋的规制产生了一定障碍.在明确拼租房屋中的法律关系后,对于拼租房屋的人均居住面积进行合理地规定是解决拼租房屋产生的纠纷之理性选择.  相似文献   
116.
正FOR China’s policy practice,the Chinese Dream embodies the spirit of international,mutually beneficial cooperation.A corollary of China’s rise and peaceful development is win-win partnership with other countries.The Chinese Dream is the dream of the people,of the nation,and also of the world.After it was elaborated by Chinese President Xi Jinping,some people regard it as the core of China’s national and international discourses.Being an international dream means paying close attention to other countries’interests,rather than exclusively act-  相似文献   
117.
SUMMARY

“Monsters” and “Failures” are becoming the words of choice by many teachers, parents, administrators, and other adults when describing children and their behaviors. Ascribing the label can be constricting to the child and does very little to promote solutions to situations. Adults working with children can develop ways to look past the behavior and see the child and the child's needs, and acquire expectations of children that are in line with their development. This article explores the notion that family therapists, specializing in systems theory and parent education, are professionals, who are suited to help parents and school personnel interact with children in constructive and meaningful ways that promote development and minimize negative labeling. Family therapists can help the parent/teacher/administrator view the interactions among the components of the child's support system as dynamically interacting with one another and the child, and thus, strengthen the school-parent-community triad. Therapists, working col-laboratively with early childhood developmental education professionals, can assist adults in aligning their assessment and expectations of children with developmental understandings, thereby modifying the behaviors on the part of the adults, and ultimately eliciting more appropriate responses on the part of the children. A family systems approach to the rearing and teaching of children allows adults to reinforce the constructive behaviors of the child in a supportive and positive manner, leading to the social and cognitive growth of the child. The case material offered in this article presents ways in which family therapists can collaborate with education professionals and families in fostering the strength of the family-school-community relationship, and ensuring situations that are more child-friendly and developmentally appropriate.  相似文献   
118.
Traditional approaches to public policy increasingly fail to resolve social challenges, particularly in the field of criminal justice. High rates of juvenile recidivism, for example, are often linked to inequality in education and persistent, long-term unemployment—factors which, while complex, are nonetheless conducive to preventative strategies.

Social impact bonds (SIBs) are “pay-for-success” programs that attract private-sector, upfront funding for social interventions. If the program achieves agreed targets, taxpayer funds repay the investor. If the program fails to meet agreed targets, investors take the loss.

This innovative form of social finance through public–private partnership has helped spur efficiencies and improvements in the provision and outcomes of criminal justice services. However, the success of a SIB depends on careful implementation, evaluation, and monitoring.  相似文献   

119.
ABSTRACT

Should China forge a military alliance? Some scholars believe it should, others believe it should adhere to a policy of non-alignment. For China many risks are associated with military alliances. On the one hand, China would likely be involved in unwanted conflicts and confrontations created by potential allies. On the other hand, China would be bound to compete with the existing hegemon, the United States, which has already established a huge alliance system, to win more allies. China just cannot afford this. The intensified strategic competition between China and the United States may also lead to a new antagonism in the Asia-Pacific region. Nevertheless, China’s ‘non-alliance’ policy does not mean China has to abandon the development of strategic cooperation with other countries or renounce the right to build a cooperative partnership network. Since Xi Jinping came to power, the Chinese government has continuously expanded its strategic partnership network in the region. This policy could avoid US-China competition over military allies and enhance strategic trust between China and its neighbouring countries, creating conditions for China’s peaceful development and global strategic stability.  相似文献   
120.
ASBTRACT

My article addresses the role of the two post-Lisbon High Representatives (HRs), Catherine Ashton and Federica Mogherini, in EU approach to the Eastern neighbourhood. Adopting a broad conceptualisation of EU foreign policy and drawing on the scholarly literature on new intergovernmentalism, it focuses on events that marked the HRs' mandates in the cases of Kosovo and Ukraine. In the case of Kosovo, it examines the HRs' role in the conclusion of the so-called Brussels Agreement (April 2013); and of the August 2015 agreements. In the case of Ukraine, it reconstructs how the HRs dealt with the events leading up to the November 2013 Vilnius Summit; and with those leading up to the conclusion in February 2015 of the Minsk II Agreement. The article argues that the European Council exerts tight control over the post-Lisbon HR, and EU foreign policy-making processes more generally. Nonetheless, the empirical analysis demonstrates that, under certain circumstance, the HR can significantly influence EU foreign policy in the post-Lisbon era.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号