以人的全面发展为导向建设服务型政府意义解析

人民满意已成为我国服务型政府建设的根本目标,建设人民满意的服务型政府必须坚持以人的全面发展为根本的价值导向。人的全面发展理论契合了人民满意的服务型政府实践之需,我国服务型政府建设以人的全面发展理论为指导,增强了马克思主义的理论支撑,彰显了强烈的人学意蕴,并且使其有了新的价值指导和新的评价标准。     

Improvising Peace: Towards New Social Contracts in Tunisia

ABSTRACT

Eight years after the Arab Spring revolutions, Tunisia's state and citizens are crafting an increasingly resilient national social contract, despite setbacks. This case study examines what is driving Tunisia's efforts, focusing in particular on key transition initiatives – including a national dialogue and a forward-looking constitution adopted by broad consensus, following nation-wide consultations. The case examines how informed and empowered Tunisians built these structures to leverage the inherent resilience capacities of the people, which developed throughout state and civil society formation, women's movements, labour movements, and civic education. The research suggests that two issues that gave rise to the revolution have remained particular challenges for efforts to mediate and address conflict: political and social polarisation and lack of livelihoods. It reveals how Tunisians are calling for more inclusion and institutionalised citizen engagement as a means to address them. Conclusions point to how post-revolution, democratisation gains as well as values of compromise, tolerance, dialogue appear to be immunising Tunisia against irreparable reversals and are laying the foundations for sustainable democratic peace.     

Beyond Dyads: Regional Democratic Strength’s Influence on Dyadic Conflict

Over the history of modern international relations research, we have moved from systemic and regional studies to empirical explorations of dyadic interactions. However, our statistical models have put the details of dyadic interactions under a microscope at the expense of ignoring the relevant regional context that these dyads interact in. This development has been in part due to computational limitations, but do we really believe that decision makers interact with one another while ignoring the regional power balance and the wishes of regional powers? In this article, I take a look at the well-researched relationship between democracy and peace by using a multilevel approach to dyadic interactions and the regions they are embedded in. The findings suggest that when the regional power balance favors democracies, it influences conflict between dyads, especially mixed dyads, by increasing the costs of aggression by autocracies and establishing regional norms of cooperation and compromise.     

From Rebels to Rulers: The Challenges of Transition for Non-state Armed Groups in Mindanao and Myanmar

This article presents a critical comparison of the ongoing peace processes in the southern Philippines and Myanmar (Burma). It does so by examining two key armed groups: the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) on Mindanao, and the Karen National Union (KNU) in Myanmar. We identify common elements that help to explain the relative – albeit incomplete – success of these two groups in navigating their respective peace processes. The MILF and KNU are ethnonationalist armed groups struggling for self-determination against states that are experienced by ethnic minority communities as culturally alien, and economically and politically dominant. Both conflict actors are characterized by complex combinations of “greed” and “grievance” factors but nevertheless enjoy significant (albeit contested) political legitimacy among the communities they seek to represent. We explore the complex relationships between armed ethnic groups, conflict-affected communities, and civil society actors. We argue that engagement with civil society is a key element of success in the Mindanao peace process, which could be replicated in Myanmar. We examine the roles and changing nature of the state in the Philippines and Myanmar, and contrast the degrees of international involvement, as key variables in these peace processes. We observe that negotiations of comprehensive peace settlements are threatened by “the tyranny of elections” in Myanmar (2015) and the Philippines (2016), and observe the importance of including national parliaments in peace processes in a timely manner. The peace process between Manila and the MILF represents a rare example of a Muslim minority pursuing its political objectives through structured dialogue. The article focuses on the challenges faced by armed groups moving from insurgency to reinvent themselves as credible political actors and governance authorities. Our analysis draws on peace-building literature, specifically the phenomenon of “rebel governance.”     

论由区分所有权人连带赔偿高空抛物所致损害的法律障碍——兼评《中国民法典草案侵权责任法编》第56条

我国侵权法草案规定侵权人不明的高空抛物致人损害,由“不能证明自己没有过错的建筑物使用人”连带承担全部赔偿责任。这实质上是对建筑物区分所有权人设定了一种对其在住宅内的行为随时举证证明的义务。这种对建筑物区分所有权人自由权利的限制和负担,无法解释和证成其正当性。建筑物区分所有权人实施的抛物行为是其承担侵权责任的根据,侵权行为人不明,受害人就无法按照侵权法获得赔偿。区分所有权人相互之间的监督义务和协助查找义务以及作证义务,乃公法上的义务;以此为根据要求其对受害人承担连带侵权责任,违反了法律关系理论的基本原理。要求建筑物区分所有权人证明没有实施抛物行为,违背了未发生的事实无法证明的证据法原理。推定所有可能实施侵权行为的人实际实施了侵权行为,违背了违法行为不能推定的侵权法原理。所以该条应该删除。     

构建广东海洋行政执法协调机制的思考

针对广东海洋行政执法中存在的突出问题,构建适合广东省情的海洋行政执法协调机制具有重要作用和意义。广东海洋行政执法协调机制的构建主要包括基本步骤的设计、职权机构的建立和协调制度的制订。     

改革开放30年的程序化建设历程

改革开放30年来,中国的程序化建设伴随着现代化发展取得了初步的成绩,认识上逐渐清晰和深入：解放思想运动突破了封闭的程式观后,初级阶段论导向了循序渐进的改革发展道路;革命斗争哲学转向程序执政哲学,是程序化建设和从革命党向执政党转变的重要哲学基础。社会主义市场经济提出了依法治国的要求,为程序化建设提供了经济和法制保障。科学发展观将程序化建设推向深入,在和谐社会构建和改革攻坚中将发挥更大的作用。     

《民法典》时代的劳动者私生活安宁权：确立与实现

劳动者私生活安宁权的生成，既得益于《民法典》的颁行，又源于网络化时代劳动者私生活安 宁权益保护的迫切需求。从权利性质上看，劳动者私生活安宁权兼具自由权和社会权双重属性。然而，在当下 其权利实现却面临诸多困难，表现为与雇主监督管理权的矛盾及冲突，《民法典》隐私权保护框架的不周延性 以及劳动法保护规范的滞后性。研究建议，就劳动者私生活安宁权的实现路径来看，一是要对《民法典》的保 护路径予以细化和调整，二是要在劳动法中创制新的制度与规则对劳动者进行特别保护。与此同时，应遵循 “两 步走”策略，以协调《民法典》保护与劳动法保护之关系，从而充分实现劳动者的私生活安宁权益。     

Alliance of Civilizations： The global peace project of the 21st century

The Alliance of Civilizations was established in 2005, at the initiative of the Governments of Spain and Turkey; under the auspices of the United Nations for inter civilizations dialogue to bridge the gap between the West and Muslim world. This article analyzes advantage and disadvantage sides of the success of this initiative.     

论加强党的执政能力建设的几个维度

一个政党要维持和增强人民的认同,巩固自身执掌政权的地位,就必须不断地提高执政能力。中国共产党作为居于领导地位的执政党,必须将党的执政能力建设作为主线贯穿于伟大工程与伟大事业二者之中。文章立足于政治生态学的基本原理,依据政治体制改革渐次展开的逻辑,把中国共产党置身于国家、社会、党自身三大政治系统之中,着力研究党的执政能力建设在这些领域中所面临的挑战及其解决思路。