Civil Society and Peace Negotiations: Beyond the Inclusion–Exclusion Dichotomy

Civil society is generally seen as an important actor in peace processes. But when it comes to reaching an agreement during peace negotiations, much of the current debate is centered on the question of including or excluding civil society. Although most researchers argue that civil society participation makes the process more sustainable and democratic, most practitioners emphasize that enhanced civil society participation makes it more difficult to reach a peace agreement. I argue that practitioners and theorists must both move beyond this dichotomy and, instead, focus on the variety of ways in which civil society actors can be included in a given negotiation process. To this end, I present in this article a comprehensive overview of nine models of inclusion, from most to least direct involvement of civil society, supported by illustrative case studies. Analysis of these models suggests that it will be possible to broaden the participation of civil society in peace negotiations without decreasing the negotiations' effectiveness.     

Conflict Assessment in Energy Infrastructure Siting: Prospects for Consensus Building in the Northern Pass Transmission Line Project

As energy demand grows rapidly worldwide, power line infrastructure will continue to be a major development planning challenge. This study considers the environmental conflict that has arisen over a transnational transmission line project between Canada and the United States. A qualitative conflict assessment is presented to define the parameters for consensus that could prevent protracted litigation between stakeholders. Proactively designing a process to encourage consensus building during the early development phase remains the most critical determinant of compromise. In this article, we argue that in this case a consensus‐building effort could be feasible if certain design requirements were met, including gaining the participation of key stakeholders, paying attention to trust, and focusing on the issues specific to this transmission line rather than to a larger energy discussion. The research shows that despite potential pitfalls, reaching more widely accepted and ecologically sensitive solutions to environmental conflicts through participatory and collaborative approaches is possible and worth the effort.     

商品房地下室权属法律问题研究

在人们住房空间极其紧张的情况下,《物权法》未对与商品房业主福祉关系密切的商品房地下室所有权做出明确判定,而人们对于物权的概念也存在一些误解,围绕其产生的许多纠纷也不断见诸报端。对商品房地下室中规划属于人防工程部分,一般认为属于国有,事实上,人防资产并不等同于国防资产,承认其非国有性并不影响其人防使用功能,简单地将其归为国有,不可避免地将置《人民防空国有资产管理规定》于违背宪法和立法法的尴尬境地,应根据谁投资,谁受益的原则确认其权利归属。其他部分地下室,依据地下室建设成本是否纳入销售价格,将其作为地下室权属判断标准,是使用经济学的观点来代替法律的推理,而将商品房地下室一概纳入商品房面积公摊范围是没有根据的,但对于已经纳入面积公摊范围的,应确认其业主共有权。     

建国以来中国共产党“正确处理人民内部矛盾理论”的探索、传承与创新完善

人民内部矛盾理论是毛泽东哲学思想研究的重要内容。以邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛为代表的中央领导集体,在改革开放的新的历史条件下,创造性地丰富和发展了毛泽东关于人民内部矛盾的学说,使党关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的理论和实践达到了新的境界和新的水平。     

关于油田基层企业文化建设的思考

油田基层企业文化建设是整个油田企业文化建设的具体化,也是其文化建设的着力点和落脚点。但是,当前油田部分基层企业在企业文化建设过程中,存在着表面化、空想化、偏离化、僵硬化、政治化、文体化等错误倾向,正成为制约企业发展的重要因素。对基层企业文化建设中的这些误区及其产生原因进行科学剖析,并在此基础上对油田基层企业文化建设的路径进行深入探析,积极构建起充满向心力、执行力、感召力和创造力的油田基层企业文化,以基层文化建设推动整个油田企业文化建设水平提升,形成上层引导与基层推动的良性互动,从而实现整个油田的健康、快速、持续发展。     

论高空抛物侵权行为

随着城市建设的发展,高层建筑迅速增多,与此同时高空抛物伤人毁财．甚至致人伤残或死亡的案件越来越多,但我国目前在立法上对致害人不明的高空抛物侵权行为并朱有明确规定。高空抛物侵权行为是一种独立的侵权行为．在不能确定谁为抛掷人时,将责任主体确定为建筑物的所有人,追究众多住户的赔偿责任,在责任形式上采用按份责任更为妥当。     

新农村建设的逻辑起点：国民收入城乡分配和谐

国民收入城乡分配长期失衡是城乡二元结构和“三农”问题日益深化的重要诱因之一。调整国民收入城乡分配结构,构建和谐的国民收入城乡分配关系,是社会主义新农村建设的逻辑起点和根本前提。     

论王稼祥对党建理论的探索与贡献

王稼祥在中国革命和建设的不同历史阶段,与党内的各种错误思想作斗争,起草和发表了很多关于党的建设的文件和论著,对军队党的建设、如何保持共产党员的先进性、党际外交等方面作了精辟的论述,为党的建设理论作出了重要贡献。     

谈当前世界政治的本质特点

进入新世纪以来 ,世界形势变化多端。印度军事力量悄然兴起 ,克什米尔屡衅争端 ,9.11事件让世界倍感恐怖主义的威胁 ,美国未经联合国授权擅自对伊动武 ,台独势力再次嚣张 ,中国提出了和平崛起的新道路……站在世纪之初的我们 ,面对着风云变幻的世界 ,不禁欲透过这纷繁复杂的现象去追寻其背后的本质。本文主要通过对世界局势的思考 ,谈一点对当前世界政治本质特点的认识     

Kant’s Project of Perpetual Pacification

Richard Tuck locates a conundrum in the Hobbesian world view. Whereas the nation-state is desired to effect the pacification of the domestic sphere, a world state and the promise of global pacification is feared. Kant’s strong program for perpetual peace is presented as a moral imperative to establish through legal means a world republic based on reason and individual autonomy. Kant emphasizes the empirical impossibility of a world republic and hence advocates the weaker program of a world federation of states. This essay argues not the empirical but the logical impossibility of Kant’s strong program and by extension any program of perpetual peace that claims to be essentially different from ‘mere’ peace as truce. In so doing this essay distinguishes between political theory based on the assumption of the ontological priority of peace and political theory based on the assumption of the ontological priority of violence and argues for the necessity of thinking the latter.