Too central to fail? Terror networks and leadership decapitation

ABSTRACT

Leadership decapitation, as a means of hindering the operations and hastening the demise of terrorist organizations, has been the subject of a growing body of research. However, these studies have not examined how an organization’s position in a broader network impacts its ability to weather decapitation. We argue that highly networked organizations possess characteristics that make decapitation less effective. To test this argument, we combine data on leadership decapitation with network data on terrorist organizations and find that well-networked organizations are resilience to leadership decapitation. Our study has implications for our understanding of how terrorist organizations respond to counterterrorism efforts.     

城中村改造中的政府责任论

城中村改造涉及各种利益冲突,事关社会经济生活的有序运行,人民权利的实现;危及公众的切身利益、公共利益和公共安全;影响城市的发展、和谐与稳定。因此,在城中村改造中必须确立政府责任。人民主权原则是政府责任确立的理论基础,城中村改造市场存在着市场缺陷与市场失灵,需要政府"看得见的手"进行干预是政府责任确立的客观要求。城中村改造面临的困境是政府责任确立的现实诉求,政府主导是政府责任实现方式的集中体现,尽快制定和出台《城中村改造法》是政府责任确立的路径选择。     

Leadership Traits and Ghana’s Foreign Policy: The Case of Jerry Rawlings’ Foreign Economic Policy of the 1980s

This article examines Ghana’s foreign policy-making with reference to internal and external determinants (structural/systemic). Besides these determinants, political actors (primarily, presidents/heads of state) have shaped the country’s foreign policy outcomes, but this field of enquiry (i.e. the individual-level analysis) has not, received much attention in the literature. To enhance the understanding of leadership and personality traits in foreign policy-making, this study draws on the theory of Leadership Trait Analysis to examine Jerry John Rawlings and Ghana’s foreign economic policy in the early 1980s. It argues that the leadership traits of Rawlings to some extent shaped Ghana’s foreign economic policy decisions in the early 1980s.     

Social entrepreneurship as intervention: Findings from a venture development program for marginalized youth

Leadership and career readiness are important goals for youth development. Entrepreneurship has recently been considered as a potential intervention to support these aims. This study examined a venture development program for low-income youth through participant surveys (n?=?57) and a comparison group (n?=?72). Findings from structural equation modeling indicate relationships between the program and project management skills, which in turn was associated with youth leadership. Findings also showed relationships between the program and financial literacy, which was associated with an increase in future orientation. This study shows early evidence of entrepreneurship and venture creation as mechanisms to support marginalized youth.     

Ending in Failure? The Performance of ‘Takeover’ Prime Ministers 1916–2016

When Theresa May became Prime Minister in July 2016, she joined a list of eleven previous UK takeover leaders in the past 100 years. While the popular image is of Prime Ministers arriving in power after a general election victory, more than half of the Prime Ministers who governed since 1916 have acceded as ‘takeover leaders’ through an internal party process. This article analyses how such takeover leaders perform, concluding that May is likely to face greater obstacles and enjoy fewer advantages than if she had been popularly elected. Takeover leaders have less time in power and less chance of winning subsequent elections, and are generally rated as worse‐performing.     

Build a Capital Economic Circle for Coordinated Development

正THE Beijing-centered economic circle has been on the table for several years.The Overall Plan for Beijing Urban Construction in 1982 proposed a capital economic circle.In November of 2004,the National Development and Reform Commission(NDRC)formally proposed the regional development plan for the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei bloc.It was reiterated in the nation’s 12th Five-year Plan(2011-2015)for social and economic development.Thereafter the capital economic circle has been upgraded to a national priority.China’s new leadership attaches great     

Reputational leadership and preference similarity: Explaining organisational collaboration in bank policy networks

This article contributes to our understanding of the formation of policy networks. Research suggests that organisations collaborate with those that are perceived to be influential in order to access scarce political resources. Other studies show that organisations prefer to interact with those that share core policy beliefs on the basis of trust. This article seeks to develop new analytical tools for testing these alternative hypotheses. First, it measures whether perceptions of reputational leadership affect the likelihood of an organisation being the target or instigator of collaboration with others. Second, it tests whether the degree of preference similarity between two organisations makes them more or less likely to collaborate. The article adopts a mixed‐methods approach, combining exponential random graph models (ERGM) with qualitative interviews, to analyse and explain organisational collaboration around United Kingdom banking reform. It is found that reputational leadership and preference similarity exert a strong, positive and complementary effect on network formation. In particular, leadership is significant whether this is measured as an organisational attribute or as an individually held perception. Evidence is also found of closed or clique‐like network structures, and heterophily effects based on organisational type. These results offer significant new insights into the formation of policy networks in the banking sector and the drivers of collaboration between financial organisations.     

领导科学的行政运用——试论如何做好企业一把手

做好企业一把手 ,需要具有良好的道德修养和综合素质 ,科学的领导水平 ,团结员工的协调能力 ,敢于承担领导责任 ,营造一个和谐的工作环境     

From 'My Vote' to 'The Real Alternative': Selling the Liberal Democrats

As the third party in British politics, a compelling message is crucial for the Liberal Democrats. Overcoming a prevailing sense of a wasted vote is key—achieved by, we argue, demonstrating political potency. This article explores the synergy between the Liberal Democrat leader and the message; the relationship of each election message to the political reality in which the party finds itself; and the role of polling in messaging. We explore what is—and is not—a message, and the role of negative messaging by the Liberal Democrats since 1992. We consider the limitations of messaging and the lack of control that a third party has over its message. In conclusion, we reflect on what the lessons learnt by the Liberal Democrats over the last four elections may mean for the messaging at the next general election.