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81.
韩勇 《行政与法》2012,(9):40-44
本文在对我国边疆地区社会管理所面临的无限增长的基层公共服务需求,不断增加的流动人口和特殊群体数量,动态变化的社会管理新形势、新情况,人民群众深刻变化的思想观念和相对欠缺的少数领导干部的能力和素质等问题进行分析的基础上,对广西河池依托基层党组织建设探索出的转型时期边疆地区党领导下的社会管理方式创新进行了深层次的解读,旨在为边疆地区新时期社会管理创新工作提供理论和实践上的参考。  相似文献   
82.
正As usual,China’s annual Central Economic Work Conference,which was held on December 15-16,reviewed developments in the past year and outlined goals for the next.But this year’s conference grabbed special attention because it was the first of its kind since the new leadership of the ruling Communist Party of China came to power in November.A shift of focus from speed to quality in economic growth and a call for reform were the messages emitted from the conference.The new leaders pledged to stick to the guideline of transforming the country’s growth model while maintaining economic stability.They also emphasized that next year’s focus should be enhancing the quality and efficiency of economic growth.  相似文献   
83.
职业女性诞生之初就遭遇到家庭角色与社会角色冲突的挑战。尽管知识经济时代两性在体力上的差异对职业选择和发展的影响越来越小,职业女性的规模与影响力都在持续上升,但由女性双重角色冲突而导致的工作与生活平衡困难并未明显减弱,不仅阻碍职业女性的高层发展道路,甚至束缚了年轻女性的职业选择。本文提出从领导力发展的视角探索职业女性工作与生活的平衡策略,从个人层面和组织层面两个角度分析了如何借助领导力效应帮助职业女性走出角色冲突困境、建构工作与生活的平衡机制,同时享受生活的快乐与工作的成就。  相似文献   
84.
本文从解析领导的概念入手,分析了领导的本质,阐述了领导与管理的区别,介绍了领导理论研究发展的脉络,探讨了当前领导学研究中存在争议的问题,从而启发一个领导者应该做什么。  相似文献   
85.
正The new Chinese leadership completes a full year in off ice in March.No two words sum up its signature policies better than"deepening reforms"–as reiterated by top leaders in multiple circumstances over the past year.Last November,the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee decided to comprehensively deepen reforms.The objective is to achieve decisive results by 2020 through reforms  相似文献   
86.
Abstract

Research is lacking concerning the impact of leadership styles on citizen attitudes toward the performance of government leaders. To address this gap, an online experimental survey was conducted to determine the effect of leadership styles on respondents’ perceptions regarding a fictitious superintendent’s performance in a school district. The results demonstrate that democratic leadership practices enhanced the performance reviews of the superintendent, while autocratic leadership practices decreased them. Respondents’ level of public service motivation (PSM) was also found to have a positive effect on the superintendent’s performance ratings. Furthermore, democratic leadership style moderated the relationship between PSM and the performance ratings assigned by respondents. In particular, individuals with high PSM rated the performance of democratic leaders higher as compared to individuals with low PSM. However, autocratic leadership was not found to moderate the relationship between PSM and the superintendent’s performance. These results are thoroughly discussed in the paper.  相似文献   
87.
ABSTRACT

This article explores the perception of societal influence of civil society leaders based on a survey study conducted in 2017 among leaders of Swedish civil society organizations. Civil society leaders represent organizations that are often based on and guided by religious, political, or cultural values and that often strive to achieve some sort of social change. To exercise influence on society is thus a crucial feature of civil society leaders. Drawing on elite theories, the article seeks to explain differences in the perception of influence by looking at the following factors: (1) personal qualities and resources such as age, gender, country of birth, education, and working experiences, (2) social networks and contacts with representatives of different institutions (media, government, etc.), and (3) organizational position and resources, including relations with public authorities. The analysis shows that two out of three surveyed leaders perceive they have great influence in society concerning the issues they work with. Among the factors explaining the perception of influence, we find being a leader of an organization at the regional level, being of older age, having leading representatives of the media in one’s personal network, and stating that one has great influence over the organization one leads.  相似文献   
88.
ABSTRACT

Neville Laski, president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews from 1932 to 1939, led Anglo-Jewry through the most challenging period in its modern history. Internally, the community was deeply divided, with half a century of mass immigration placing great strain on its pre-existing structures and institutions, and particularly the traditional elites who controlled them. Externally, it faced the unprecedented threat of an emerging domestic fascist movement, while also dealing with the consequences of growing antisemitic persecution in continental Europe. Despite playing a leading role in responding to these developments, Laski has received remarkably little attention from historians. Where he has, the consensus is that he failed to rise to the challenges of the 1930s, acting as an impediment to internal reform and remaining complacent and ineffective in his response to antisemitism. Drawing on a range of contemporary sources, Tilles’s article offers a comprehensive reassessment of Laski’s role. It argues that he acted as a transitional figure between the rule of the old, anglicized elites and the new immigrant community, seeking to balance the demands of competing factions. Meanwhile, his defence policy against antisemitism was not only active and effective, but eventually saw all major sections of Anglo-Jewry unite behind his leadership in this area.  相似文献   
89.
There is little doubt that the European Central Bank (ECB), and in particular its presidency, has taken the lead in tackling the euro crisis. But can this leadership be also characterised as charismatic? This article answers the question by focusing on language – a key component as well as a reliable indicator of charisma. By means of a software-assisted content analysis of the entire corpus of ECB presidential speeches, it is found that the crisis has indeed led to the emergence of the Bank's presidency as a charismatic euro leader. This in turn confirms the recent politicisation of the ECB, but at the same time might be seen as mitigating the problems related to the Bank's democratic deficit, to the extent that charisma can be seen, from a Weberian standpoint, as an alternative source of political legitimacy.  相似文献   
90.
Abstract

Following the collapse of the Italian party system in 1994, post-war Italian political cultures have all but exhausted themselves, if not disappeared completely. First, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) in 1996–1998, then, the Partito Democratico in 2007–2008, attempted without much conviction to formulate a new political culture combining several traditions and heritages. This article will explore how and why the PD failed in its attempts. It will also look at the status of other political cultures, especially the federalist and the liberal, supposedly relaunched by Berlusconi in 1994. It will conclude with some reflections on the appearance of personalist parties and leaders’ narratives and provide an assessment of the present situation with specific reference to the attempt by the PD leader, Matteo Renzi, to give birth to a so-called ‘Partito della Nazione’. Is there any future for new political cultures in the Italian political system? Will the Italian party system ever be revived?  相似文献   
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