试论"三个代表"思想的价值取向

“三个代表”思想,以科学性为认识基础和历史取向,以人民性为主体定位和民主取向,以实践性为现实依据和文明取向,以开放性为内在动力和发展取向,从而为我们党构建了一个多层次、诸功能的发展创新的完整价值系统。     

A comparative analysis of regionalism in the Global South: The security and defence dimension of Unasur and the African Union

The aim of this article is to compare Unasur and the African Union with regard to their institutional structure, agenda and performance. Although some scholars have made comparative assessments of regional institutions in the same region or comparisons between regional projects worldwide and the European Union, there are still few academic contributions which develop a cross-regional comparison among regional initiatives from different regions of the Global South. By assessing the cases of Unasur and the African Union, and particularly Unasur’s Defence Council and the AU’s Peace and Security Council, taking into account their institutional structure, performance and limitations, and the role of regional leaders and exogenous actors in both cases, we have elaborated an analytical framework aiming to identify and explain the similarities and differences between two regional institutions outside Europe. Based on the contributions of comparative regionalism and the evaluation of Unasur and the AU, we conduct a comparative analysis of both regional organisations, giving specific attention to their security and defence agendas, moving forward the empirical and analytical agenda of comparative regionalism.     

APEC与多边贸易体制

区域集团是世界贸易组织最惠国待遇的一个最大例外。区域集团由于其本身固有的排他性 ,势必会对多边贸易体制产生一定的冲击。但APEC却通过自己独特的合作机制将这种消极影响减少到最低限度 ,开创了区域合作的创新之路。本文在对当前主要区域经济组织进行比较研究的基础上 ,着重分析了APEC在制度创新及其与世界贸易体制的关系。接着分析了APEC在新形势下面临的挑战及我国的对策。在我国加入世界贸易组织之际 ,强调区域集团的作用具有深远的理论意义和现实意义 ,这将使我国经济在“区域集团”和“多边贸易体制”两个轮子上快速、健康、稳定地发展。     

Pacific Regionalism and the Polynesian Leaders Group

ABSTRACT

In November 2011, the Polynesian Leaders Group (PLG) was formed. The inclusion of Samoa, Tonga and French Polynesia gives it enough political muscle to have some influence on Pacific regionalism, but exactly what this will be is uncertain. Notably, it was formed during a tense period for regionalism; Australia’s and New Zealand’s disproportionate influence in the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat was increasingly being called into question, while Fiji was crowned the chair of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) even though it was then expelled from the PIF. To date, the PLG’s most notable work has been done in relation to climate change, while it also promises to address decolonisation, both of which are pressing issues on the regional agenda. These might be issue-areas where the PLG will make its mark. Another might be in counterbalancing the increasing regional influence of the MSG, which over the past 10 years has been willing to act independently of the PIF and its traditional benefactors: Australia and New Zealand. An examination of when and why the PLG was formed, how its membership is determined, and its position on key regional issues might provide answers about its regional implications.     

Diplomatic Rivalries and Cultural One-upmanship: New Zealand’s Long Quest to Become More Pacific than Australia

Abstract

New Zealand’s governmental and non-governmental agencies, academic commentators and media have long framed the country as uniquely and favourably positioned on cultural grounds to be a strategic diplomatic actor in the South Pacific. Justifications for the framing stem from two linked complexes: the history of New Zealand’s colonial and post-colonial involvement in a number of Polynesian territories in the Pacific; and the related history of relations between settlers and indigenes in New Zealand itself. These different strands of the argument have increasingly been brought together by the growth in numbers of New Zealand-born and domiciled Pacific Islanders. They, along with Maori, have been recruited into the diplomatic service and overtly contribute to the use of Polynesian encounter rituals in New Zealand’s diplomatic outreach. Such histories are used to justify New Zealand’s role in the Pacific in its relations with other external powers, especially in diplomatic jostling with Australia. The claims to special insight and cultural capital are subjected to critical scrutiny.     

The impact of EU multi-level regionalism strategy on Bulgarian local authorities: qualitative comparative analysis among nine border areas

This article suggests a new perspective on the analysis of the EU multi-level regionalism strategy (EUMRS) by emphasizing the important role of local authorities in border areas. The EU, indeed, has been pursuing a multi-level strategy formed by three action layers corresponding to three new regional trasnational spaces: (1) the European Union itself; (2) the strategic macro-regional actions – such as the EU Strategy for the Danube Region; (3) cross-border cooperation. Particularly, the article tries to explain why local officers working for different Bulgarian municipalities perceive the EUMRS in a different way. The perception of the EUMRS represents the internalization and impact of the EUMRS among the interviewed local officers of nine borderland Bulgarian municipalities. The research is grounded on a qualitative comparative analysis to identify and explain the different combinations of causally relevant conditions linked to the specific outcome.     

略论高职《安全保卫实用英语口语》新课程的开发建设

高等职业教育教学改革的重点和难点是课程建设与改革。本文以高职理念为指导,详细阐述了高职安全保卫专业《安全保卫实用英语口语》新课程开发的动因、目标、定位、意义及课程内容开发建设的路径和初步成果。     

学习习近平关于中国梦重要讲话精神的思考

中国梦是当今中国的高昂旋律和精神旗帜,是新一届中央领导集体提出的重大战略思想。学习领会中国梦的精神实质,重要的是做到四个把握好:把握好国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福的基本内涵,把握好坚持中国道路、弘扬中国精神、凝聚中国力量的圆梦关键,把握好中国梦是人民的梦的本质属性,把握好强国梦与强军梦的内在联系。     

中华民族精神现代化的实践依据探析

中华民族精神现代化既是中国现代化的重要组成部分,也是推动中国全面现代化的精神力量。实现其现代化,应以马克思主义中国化最新成果为指导、中国传统文化时代价值为支撑、现代西方文化为借鉴、现代理想人格公民为基础、中国特色社会主义制度为保障,以此适应现代民族和社会发展的需要。     

文化生产视阈下当代中国科技创新发展探析

科技创新是中国特色社会主义文化生产的重要形式之一,在推动我国经济社会进步和文化发展繁荣中发挥着重要作用。改革开放以来,我国在汲取以往经验教训的基础上,逐步探索形成了具有中国特色的科技创新发展道路。当前,我国的科技创新发展既取得了丰硕成果、积累了许多有益经验,也面临着一些亟待解决的任务课题和现实挑战。从文化生产这一视阈出发,对当代中国的科技创新发展进行系统梳理和思考,对于我们把握科技创新发展规律、进一步拓展科技创新的实践路径具有重要理论和现实价值。