新时代加强党的政治建设的关键要素及实践路向

党的政治建设是党的根本性建设,在党的建设总体布局中处于核心、统领地位,发挥提纲挈领的作用。进入新时代,从首要任务、根本前提、基础环节、关键因素、重要保障等方面把握加强党的政治建设的关键要素尤为重要。必须立足新时代加强党的政治建设的总体要求,以强化政治领导、提升政治自觉为核心,以站稳政治立场、把准政治方向为关键,以打好政治底色、坚定政治信仰为主线,以练就政治本领、提升政治素养为重点,以严肃党内政治生活、净化政治生态为支撑,不断优化党的政治建设的实践路向。     

寻求实践方案：当前劳动关系治理参与中媒体建设性的核心内涵

劳动关系是构成社会运行基础的重要社会经济关系，实现对它的良好治理是一个重大而迫切的 现实问题。作为一种社会中介机制，无论政治逻辑赋予的应然角色，抑或过往事实蕴含的实然经验，皆表明媒 体需要成为治理参与的行动者。通过观察具体经验现实，在与源自域外的建设性新闻理念对话的基础上，研究 发现：当前语境下劳动关系治理中媒体的建设性，其核心内涵应理解为一种以“寻求实践方案为重心”的理念。 贯彻媒体的建设性，意味着观念上应秉持“积极的专业参与”立场，行动上则重在寻求“实践导向的方案”。其间， 如何妥善处理结构与能动性的关系是媒体面临的普遍挑战。     

马克思实践思维方式在中国社会发展的理论渐变

实践思维方式,是实践活动本身各种矛盾在哲学思维中的有机统一,是唯物论的实事求是原则和辩证法的否定批判原则在思维方式上的内在耦合。马克思实践思维方式在中国社会发展的三种形态是:在长期革命斗争中产生的革命思维方式;在改革开放大潮中形成的建设思维方式;在新世纪初期提出的创新思维方式。以创新为实质和内核的创新哲学已成为新时期马克思主义哲学中国化的应有范式。     

英国1991年"威廉姆斯案"对约因理论的挑战

约因英美契约法的独特要素,约因法理的成熟形态--"交易约因论"是古典契约法的基石.1809年的Stilk v.Myrick案确立了重要的约因法则--受诺人对已存义务的履行不能作为新的允诺的约因,这实质上在很大程度上否认了契约变更的效力.英国1991年"威廉姆斯案"是英美契约法史上的经典案例,因为该案案情与Stilk案非常相似,可法官得出的判决结果却截然不同."威廉姆斯案"案判决改写了众多传统约因法则,动摇了约因理论的基础,而且,因为它与Stilk案判决的难以协调,还引发了"胁迫论"对"约因论"的挑战.     

探索公安应用写作教学的新思路

教学是一门艺术,如何将这门艺术发挥到极致,则是教师一生需要探索和创新的,公安应用写作教学也是如此。面对当前公安工作的日益规范化,如何打破传统的教学误区,探索公安应用写作教学的新思路,兢显得尤为重要。     

Why do Authoritarian Leaders do Regionalism? Ontological Security and Eurasian Regional Cooperation

Collective ontological security refers to the psychological human need to be part of a stable collective identity. Populations expect leaders to help meet these ontological needs and support those that do. In the Eurasian region, Russian and Kazakh presidents have used regional cooperation efforts as, among other objectives, an elite-led strategy of ontological security building and reinforcement. This is especially important as national identities were contested and weak after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Focusing on ontological security presents a novel research perspective on Eurasian regionalism and offers a new (but complementary) explanation for both autocratic regional cooperation and conflict.     

Regionalism as You Like It? Armenia and the Eurasian Integration Process

Though the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union was expected to translate into deeper integration, uncertainties and flaws in the rule-making process create loopholes that are then exploited by domestic actors with a view to pursuing their own goals. Thus, processes of rule development and adoption entail a variety of subtle differences also involving translation, adjustment and adaptation. This brings strong nuances into the prevailing picture of ‘hard regionalism’, and instead suggests the development of a malleable integration process.     

The Middle East’s Troubled Relationship with the Liberal International Order

Abstract

The Middle East has had a complex relationship with the so-called liberal international order. Many peoples and elites of the region welcomed the promise, and promises, of the liberal order after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and sought to integrate into it; for other peoples and elites, there have been negative reactions and resistance to it. Today, a majority of countries are integrated, at least nominally, into the global order, while some are decidedly still in systemic challenge with it. The Middle East has also had difficulty in cohering as a region; the condition today is one of collapsed regional order and proxy conflict.     

Diversity Management: Regionalism and the Future of the International Order

Abstract

The ongoing redistribution of power on the international stage points to a more decentred international system featuring a multiplication of governance arrangements. A larger range of pivotal countries have the capacity and the confidence to pursue different priorities, a development that questions the prevalent post-Cold War expectation that the liberal international order would grow both wider and deeper. The central challenge for the future of the international order is managing diversity in ways that minimise conflict and leverage the benefits of interdependence. The evolution of regionalism and regional orders will be a critical dimension of the realignment of power, interests and normative agendas at the global level. Both more competition and more cooperation are likely to take place at the regional level, with the mix changing in different parts of the world. Provided that it is not merely a cover for coercive hegemonic aspirations and that it is designed to complement other levels of cooperation, regionalism can play an important role in preventing a more polycentric world from becoming a more fragmented and unstable one.     

How stalled global reform is fueling regionalism: China’s engagement with the G20

In the Chinese view, the architecture of contemporary global governance – especially that of the Bretton Woods institutions – is flawed and in need of reform. Developing nations (like China), the argument runs, need to be given a role proportionate to their global economic influence. Since the Group of Twenty (G20) became a leaders’ summit in 2008, China has used the forum to push for such reform. But today, despite some supposed progress, reform has stalled. Recognising this fact, China is increasingly emphasising regional integration in its strategy for overcoming the middle-income trap. Global reform has not been abandoned, but – given its infeasibility – is no longer a short-term priority.