加强高职理论与实践研究，建设高水平政法职业院校--北京政法职业学院“十二五”高职研究工作综述

本文在认真总结“十二五”期间北京政法职业学院高职研究工作基础上，深入分析学院高职研究取得的主要成绩、形成的主要经验和主要体会，指出存在的问题与不足，有针对性地提出了今后加强学院高职研究工作的对策建议，这对于加强高职研究、促进高职研究成果转化、推进“十三五”期间我国高职教育改革创新和发展，具有重要的启示意义。     

青少年宫开展学生综合实践教育活动模式研究

我国正处于社会转型时期,社会大教育体系尚未构筑,校外教育资源普遍存在着单打独斗或片面依附校内教育的情况,阻碍了校外教育事业的自身发展.本文试图从青少年宫开展学生综合实践教育活动为切入点,通过“三合模式”探究实践,将各种社会资源“综合”起来,并以之为依托服务广大学生的“实践”活动.     

法学人才培养服务学习模式探索与实践

融服务与学习为一体的服务学习是美国高校的特色教育行为，并对其他国家高等教育产生重要影响。应用型法学人才的培养呼吁教学模式的改革，服务学习作为一种有效的实践教学方式，对于培养应用型法学人才具有积极意义。在法学人才培养中采用服务学习，能有效完成实践教学目的，实现学生、学校、社区、政府四方共赢。宁波大学科学技术学院对法学人才培养服务学习模式进行了有益的探索与实践。     

浅谈法律援助制度与高职法律教学的有机结合

高职法律教学正从以理论教学的模式向以实践为导向、为学生提供有价值的技能训练的模式转变,将法律援助制度与高职法律教学紧密结合,适应了这一演变,有利于改革传统的法律教学模式,强化学生的社会责任感,提升实践水准和职业情操。     

第一个政党性的国际工人组织——第一国际光芒四射

1864年成立的国际工人协会,史称第一国际.从马克思为它起草的成立宣言和共同章程可以看出,它不是一般的群众性的国际工人组织,而是第一个政党性的国际工人组织.它旨在从上而下促进各国建立工人阶级政党,领导工人阶级夺取政权,实现工人阶级解放.第一国际存在12年.它大力支持各国工人争取自身权益的斗争和被压迫民族的民族解放运动.它促进了第一个工人阶级政党德国社会民主工党的建立和第一个工人政权巴黎公社的事业.它促进了马克思主义战胜各种非科学社会主义流派,促进了科学社会主义的发展.它的历史地位是在以前的共产主义同盟和以后的第二国际之间承前启后、继往开来的桥梁和引擎.当今学习第一国际的历史,有特别重要的现实意义.     

中国特色社会主义公正理论的价值分析

中国特色社会主义公正理论是马克思主义公正理论中国化的最新成果,是中国特色社会主义理论体系的重要组成部分,是实现中国社会公正的指导思想,无论是在理论上还是在实践上,都具有极其重要的理论价值和实践价值。     

Full circle? Ideas and ordeals of creating a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific

Abstract

In 2004 and 2006, proposals were made at APEC summits to establish a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). This was an essentially a reworking of an idea first raised in the mid-1960s to create a Pacific Free Trade Area, or PAFTA. Although the PAFTA initiative never advanced, it helped lay the first organizational foundations for regional economic community building in the Asia-Pacific. The recent FTAAP proposal thus brings us full circle to the antecedent origins of APEC itself. If realized, an FTAAP would also create a free trade zone that would encircle the Pacific Rim economy and thereby subsume the region's now large number of bilateral and sub-regional free trade agreements (FTAs) into one unified agreement. Yet there are many inherent problems with establishing an FTAAP. These broadly relate to deconstructing the preferentialism of existing bilateral and sub-regional FTAs, achieving a consensus on the technical policy content and ideational principles on which an FTAAP would be based, and addressing various geopolitical issues such as reconciling the formation of a pan-regional Asia-Pacific FTA with an already fragile multilateral trading system. Growing interest in a ‘rival’ East Asia Free Trade Area project presents another geopolitical challenge. In considering these and other questions, it is concluded that many obstacles will remain in the path to realizing an FTAAP, and that this may not actually be a desirable objective to pursue for some time yet.     

Multilateralising regionalism: what role for the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement?

Abstract

The Asia-Pacific region is home to a large and rapidly growing number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs). These agreements differ widely in design, scope and purpose. The “noodle bowl” that has resulted runs the risk of distorting investment and trade. Neither global institutions (the WTO) nor regional institutions such as the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) grouping have successfully addressed these issues. Amidst this increasingly messy situation, the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement stands out for a range of important economic and political reasons, not least of which is its potential to take existing PTAs in the Asia-Pacific region in a new direction. The aim of the TPP negotiators is to produce a comprehensive, high quality, multi-party agreement to tame the tangle of PTAs and be a potential stepping stone to achieving the goal of liberalizing regional trade on a non-discriminatory basis. The economic gains from removing border barriers among the countries involved in the initial TPP negotiations are likely to be limited, however, given the small size of many of the economies and the existing PTAs among them. To date, the US has been unwilling to offer a single set of arrangements for all TPP partners, preferring to build on existing bilateral agreements. Pessimism about the immediate results from the TPP should be tempered, however, by considerations of the dynamics that it might set in train; on the other hand, it has the potential to divide the region and exacerbate China's concerns about “containment”.     

警察维权困境与出路——基于合法性视角的观察

警察权益受损可以通过合法性视角而得到观察。它是合法性形式规范结构体系不完整和实质指向发生偏差的综合反映,是制度化不力的结果。合法性困境的一面是警察权益受损,另一面则是公民权益受损。社会变迁加剧了这种局面,但也展示了变革的趋向。改变这一困境的出路在于制度化建设,其基本路径是：在价值取向上,公民权具有优先性,警察权威的树立应与公民权的保护相一致;在实践上,秩序具有优先性,公民权只有在秩序之下才能逐步完善,因而,警察权威的树立应先行。在此种格局下,警察权益受损是社会变迁的代价,其救济主要通过警察组织内部途径而予以实现。司法救济只能通过补偿警察作为公民权益受损而实现。作为公权的警察权益只有在公民权得到根本改善的前提下才能在司法渠道上得以实现,而这是一个长期的过程。     

The evolution of the New Patriotic Party in Ghana

This paper examines the emergence and development of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) government in the context of a broader examination of the roles of political parties within the Ghanaian political landscape. After describing the political architecture as well as some significant constitutional issues of Ghana's democracy and the roles played by other societal stakeholders, the paper examines the rationale for the formation of the NPP, its manifesto, structure, constituency, power brokers. It then analyses various aspects of the implementation (or not) of the NPP's political and economic objectives since it came to power in 2000 with a message of ‘positive change’. The electoral politics of the campaigns against its major opposition, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), and issues of regionalism, ethnicity and other factors are considered in detail. The paper concludes with some lessons learned and generic recommendations for emerging African political parties in relatively young democracies.