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151.
近年来我国经济发展的总体态势出现了一些新情况、新问题、政府宏观调控的目标、重点和相关政策也发生了很大变化。针对这种情况,本通过大量的实证分析,阐明了当前我国通货紧缩现象不会持续,结构性失业问题明显突出,经济增长速度必须适度;揭示了我国宏观调控的重点及其主要方面应该放在优化结构上,而不能一味追求扩大需求;系统阐述了与宏观调控目标和重点相配合的有关政策措施的主要内容。  相似文献   
152.
本文着重研究了县级政府机构改革应牢牢抓住职能转变这个重点和关键,通过重组政府职能体系,构筑社会经济中介服务组织,规范行政行为,维持经济秩序等方面的工作实现职能转变;同时在转变职能的前提下进行机构改革。最后本文还有针对性地提出了县级政府转变职能和进行机构改革的思路。  相似文献   
153.
Solutions to environmental problems such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and land and water resource degradation require long term integration of economic, social and environmental policies. This poses challenges to specialised, hierarchical public administration systems. The study reported here examined strategies, structures and processes to enable environmental policy integration in six Australian states and territories, and some federal arrangements. The study found that the most prominent success factors, barriers and gaps that affect environmental policy integration relate to leadership, long term embedding of environmental policy integration and implementation capacity. Factors deserving further research and policy attention include leadership, cultural change and capacity building; embedding sustainability in structures and processes; development of a long term evidence based approach; strengthening decentralised implementation arrangements; and evaluation of policy integration initiatives.  相似文献   
154.
This study follows recent research on criminal earnings and examines the impact of underlying traits (low self-control) and personal organization features (nonredundant networking) on the criminal earnings of a sample of incarcerated offenders previously involved in market and predatory crimes. Controlling for various background factors (age, noncriminal income, lambda and costs of doing crime), both low self-control and nonredundant networking independently explain why some offenders are more successful than others in achieving higher monetary standards through crime. Although efficient, brokerage-like networking enhances market offenders' earnings, low self-control emerges as an asset for predatory offenders: the lower their self-control, the higher their criminal earnings. For market offenders, however, low self-control has no direct effect, but it does mitigate the impact of effective networking on criminal earnings. The results emerging from this study have implications for Gottfredson and Hirschi's theory of crime and the advent of a criminal network perspective. Extensions are also made toward the conventional/criminal embeddedness framework and deterrence research.  相似文献   
155.
结构化理论是社会学中揭示个人行为与社会系统互动关系的重要理论之一.其中实践意识、结构性制约和权力资源配置的论述,对于我们进一步探寻教育者、受教育者、制度等思想政治工作变量间的内在联系,深入探讨如何增强思想政治工作有效性有着重要的启示作用.这表现在整合官兵的实践意识,为增强军队思想政治工作有效性提供坚实的思想基础;优化制度结构,为增强有效性提供科学的制度保障;合理运用权力资源,为增强有效性提供有力的权威支持.  相似文献   
156.
This article seeks to highlight some potential indicators and benchmarks for the right to health under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, ratified by Estonia. These potential key indicators, as part of a human rights based approach to health indicators being developed by the UN Special Rapporteur, are argued to be particularly important in the context of the exceptionally high HIV rates among the Russian speaking population in Estonia. The historical emergence of the HIV epidemic in Estonia is traced, comparing its development with the situations in Latvia and Lithuania. This article describes the current extent of the HIV epidemic in Estonia which is the country with the highest reported number of HIV infections per capita in Europe, a number impacting in an extremely disproportionate fashion on its Russian-speaking population, particularly in North-Eastern Estonia. Understanding of the HIV epidemic in Estonia cannot exclude the social contextual factors of the social marginalization of many among the Russian-speaking population, the ‹alien’ status of those without citizenship of Estonia or any other State, and other failures of Estonian State policy with regard to intravenous drug use and HIV in the recent past. HIV among the prison population is also examined as disproportionately impacting upon Russian-speaking prisoners. It is argued that the language and logic of the Estonian State Integration Programme, as well as Estonia’s Second Report on the implementation of the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (2004) which refer to its Russian-speaking citizens as ‹non-Estonians’ is discrimination based on ethnic origin. In order to develop a system of State accountability in relation to the right to health, candidate indicators and benchmarks are proposed as structural, process and outcome indicators relevant to Estonia regarding the right to health and HIV, intravenous drug use, socio-economic integration and its Russian-speaking population. Dr. Paul Downes is Director of the Educational Disadvantage Centre, St. Patrick’s College, Drumcondra, Dublin, Ireland.  相似文献   
157.
丁国民 《河北法学》2003,21(6):31-36
乡镇企业改制是对历史遗留问题的理顺,其中涉及到政府、集体组织其他成员、企业负责人及企业职工等各方利益。依法界定企业产权关系,充分体现并协调好各利益相关者权益是法治社会的基本要求。为此必须树立并提高各利益相关者的法律意识。  相似文献   
158.
从犯罪学和国际法的角度分析,民族自决理论存在内在的致命缺陷.通过对这种理论的批判,能揭露出某些民族分裂势力在"人权"和"民族自决"理论的掩盖下从事国家分裂活动的真实面目.  相似文献   
159.
This article argues that while the EU aspires to and is capable of structural, directional and instrumental leadership in the global climate regime, it thus far has not fully utilized this potential. Partly this is because the EU's shortcomings with respect to implementation have reduced the credibility of its leadership, partly because the complex internal negotiations tend to divert attention away from consideration of the impacts of its negotiation position on other countries. Nonetheless, the EU is moving the regime-building process forward. It is recommended that if the EU wishes to continue acting as a leader, it then needs to combine the three types of leadership with a short, medium and long-term strategy.  相似文献   
160.
Britain’s political parties can be divided into two blocs: a ‘progressive bloc’ of parties on the left/centre‐left, and a ‘reactionary bloc’ of those on the right/centre‐right. In three of the last four general elections, the progressive bloc won an appreciably larger share of the popular vote than its reactionary rival. Yet its greater internal fragmentation has been repeatedly punished under first past the post, leading to what is now over a decade of Conservative‐led governments. This has prompted growing pressure to form a ‘progressive alliance’ between Labour, Liberal Democrats, Greens, and their Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish nationalist competitors. This article sheds a historical and international light on these demands, examining the difficulties other similar efforts at progressive cooperation have faced across the world. It considers how progressive alliances have previously sought to overcome geographical, ideological, and social divides between their constituent members, and draws some salutary lessons for British progressives today.  相似文献   
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