公共服务供给机制转型中的公益性岗位研究

我国自2002年起开始施行公益性岗位的政策,这一政策对拓宽就业渠道、缓解失业压力起到了一定的作用。但目前依靠政府进一步开发和购买公益性岗位的难度很大。本文对国内外公共服务供给机制转型进行了比较分析,在此基础上提出以下建议:我国应进一步完善公共服务的供给机制,以社区为平台,通过推动购买服务的方式,调动社会组织服务社区和吸收就业的功能,以推动公益性岗位的增加。     

以“阳光行动”促和谐警民关系的实践研究

＂阳光行动＂是社会管理的创新,是公安工作发展的新思路。＂阳光行动＂的开展,提高了广大人民群众的安全感,提高了广大人民群众对公安机关的满意度,增强了公安机关的执法公信力。＂阳光行动＂的深入开展,需要社会环境的支撑,需要进一步的警务保障,需要建立＂阳光行动＂长效保障机制,需要把＂阳光行动＂和公安文化建设结合在一起。     

公共管理者既得利益问题研究

既得利益是社会利益格局之一维,有其存在的合理性和必要性。但违背＂公共性＂的既得利益却是社会发展的＂毒药＂,不仅侵害了社会分配的公平性,还会严重降低社会资源的分配效率,因此,必须加以破除。公共管理者作为公共权力的行使者,有着自己职业群体的合法既得利益,也会存在着不为社会认同的＂非合法性＂既得利益。探寻公共管理者既得利益形成的内在机理,设计合理的治理路径,对锻造和提升公共管理者的＂公共精神＂有着重要价值。     

我国公共租赁房可持续发展的法律监管研究——以重庆市为例

近年来,随着对民生问题的关注,住房保障问题也成了我国政治、经济和法律关注的焦点。廉租房和经济适用房的大力建设,城市低收入人群的住房问题在一定程度上有所改观。但是商品房的价格日渐走高,＂夹心层＂的住房保障问题也日益突出,外来务工人员的住房条件也亟须改善。大力发展公共租赁住房的建设,建立健全公共租赁住房制度的法律监管,是我国城市化进程中的必然需求。     

The effect of alliance membership on national defense burdens, 1953–88: A test of Mancur Olson's theory of collective action

Olson and Zeckhauser (1966) offered the first theoretical explanation for variation in the defense burdens of allies. Since then, the theory of collective action (Olson, 1971 [1965]) has been extensively tested using the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Warsaw Pact (WTO). While most studies indicate that allied defense burdens (the ratio of military expenditures to gross domestic product) are correlated with economic size, this relationship has rarely been assessed for non‐allied states. Here we examine the association between national defense burdens and economic size, 1953–1988, for NATO, the WTO, the Rio Pact, and the Arab Collective Security Pact in a nested test using most of the non‐allied nations of the world as a control group. Our results generally support the theory. NATO and the Warsaw Pact consistently conform to theoretical expectations, and evidence regarding the Rio Pact, on balance, is positive. Defense burdens are not correlated with economic size within the Arab Pact, however. In addition, nations’ defense burdens are affected by the external threat, as indicated by arms races and war; but the effect of involvement in war is surprisingly small.     

应对数字艺术公共安全隐患的立法策略研究

当下数字艺术的产生和迅速崛起从根本上改变了原子艺术长期以来建构起来的艺术生态和艺术秩序,引发了某些引起人们重大关切的公共安全问题,其中突出的有网瘾问题、网络文化低俗化问题、数字谣言问题以及数字艺术知识产权保护问题等。这些问题不同于原子艺术公共安全隐患发生学上的外生性、随机性和个别性,而是呈现为内生性、公共性、流行性和危害性特征。一条比较可行的防控策略是在对数字艺术实施事前立法规范的同时,对数字艺术公共安全机制同步实施事后追溯监管。此外,加强数字艺术公共安全性及其应对机制的科研攻关和科普宣传,尽快提高全社会对数字艺术特殊规律及其公共安全性的认识和了解也是当务之急。     

Books received

Since the early 2000s, the governments in ASEAN (the Association of South East Asian Nations) countries have developed ‘good agricultural practices’ (GAP) as public approaches to field-level quality assurance. Besides the primary goals of consumer food safety and quality assurance, these public GAP programs aim to support small-scale farmer inclusion in mainstream markets. This goal represents the antithesis of the prevailing trend that private GAP approaches have tightened integration with resourceful, large-scale producers in global value chains. This paper examines the compatibility of the goals of safety assurance and social justice in a public GAP approach through comparative analysis of Thailand's Q-GAP between two local contexts of fruit production and marketing. The research findings suggest that while the public GAP scheme could draw the participation of a broad cohort of local small-scale producers and serve to certify their production, its impact on changing producers' on-field practices and catalyzing their access to the global market through food safety assurance is limited. The binding factors include the lack of producers' understanding of the principles of the programme, limited additional economic merits for them, and the influence of extra-local market forces that stress economies of size and food quality rather than food safety.     

新形势下公安院校基层教工党组织建设探索

为了增强基层教工党组织的创造力、凝聚力、战斗力,充分发挥基层教工党组织推动发展、服务教工、促进和谐的作用,详细分析了基层教工党组织存在的问题,并结合实际,积极探索并提炼出基层教工党组织建设好办法、好措施,以推动公安院校基层教工党组织建设深入发展。     

The dilemmas of pursuing ‘throughput legitimacy’ through participatory mechanisms

Under pressure to open up the ‘black box’ of governance, technocratic bodies are increasingly seeking to include civil society participation in the policy process. This article draws on empirical cases from the European Commission and NHS England to assess the extent to which the participatory mechanisms pursued by these institutions have been successful in eliciting ‘throughput legitimacy’. It is shown that though these mechanisms have taken very different forms – the former a classic instance of ‘window dressing’ participation, the latter closer to ‘best practice’ in this field – they nevertheless share a number of ongoing vulnerabilities. The article outlines the shared organisational, operational and existential dilemmas that technocratic bodies face when eliciting civil society participation, and highlight their reliance on backstage negotiation to sustain stakeholder buy-in. It concludes by highlighting the prospect that the pursuit of throughput legitimacy for technocratic bodies entails inherent limitations and contradictions.     

Unheard Voices: Why Former Child Welfare Workers Left Their Positions

This mixed methods study used a snowball sample (n = 54) to capture retrospective insight from former public child welfare workers about job satisfaction and reasons they left their positions. Responses to open-ended questions suggested a theme of lack of organizational support as the primary reason they left. Former workers also reported that they wanted a voice and someone to hear their concerns, greater recognition, and opportunity to practice self-care. Quantitatively, workers in their positions 8 years or longer were the most satisfied on a 19-item global scale examining job satisfaction. Respondents were unhappy with their workloads and emotional impact of their positions.