我国环境规制与经济增长关系的区域差异分析——基于东、中、西部面板数据的实证研究

根据1998—2006年中国30个省区的面板数据,运用相关的计量经济学方法,对我国东、中、西部地区环境规制与经济增长的关系进行实证研究的结果表明,我国环境规制水平与经济增长的关系呈现出明显的区域差异性。长期内,东、中、西部地区环境规制水平与经济增长均互为因果关系,短期内东部地区环境规制水平对经济增长影响显著,中部地区两者之间关系不显著,而西部地区经济增长在一定程度上推动了环境规制水平提升。据此应当采取相应的政策措施,以促进中国各区域环境规制与经济增长的良性互动和协调发展。     

统筹区域协调发展之生态补偿机制建构创新

区域经济合作在于统筹区域经济、资源、环境的协调发展,构建区域生态补偿机制是其重要保障,而科学的区域生态补偿机制,重在通过转移支付合理“弥补”生态功能区牺牲的利益而促使其生态保护与科学发展。构建区域生态补偿机制的现实难题,主要是同我国现行体制相关的诸多问题的综合表征,其基础依托在于法律制度、政策机制、组织体系之三个方面,其中立法创制与政策创新是关键。相关实践昭示,当前既要克服生态补偿立法上的缺陷,又要把握主体功能区规划实施的契机,推动以财政转移支付为主导的政府补偿政策机制的完善创新。     

SCM协议中财税措施地区专向性特别规定初探——兼评美国对华反补贴调查的相关案例及我国的对策

SCM协议地区专向性标准条款中的财税措施特别规定具有经济合理性,并符合WTO的政治考虑。该特别规定认定“有资格”的地方各级政府所采取的“确定或者改变”在其辖区内“普遍适用”税率的补贴措施不具有SCM协议意义上的专向性。我国应充分利用该特别规定提供的政策空间,深化税制改革,协调地方政府地区补贴与SCM协议之间的关系。     

经济变化对刑事政策的引导机制研究

刑事政策作为指导和调控刑事立法和刑事司法的观念性产物，在发展市场经济、建设和谐社会的当代中国，以刑法所不具有的灵活性而越来越受到学界的关注。刑事政策的制定和实施受到各方面因素的影响，而在诸因素中，经济因素是最具有决定性的。经济变化的快慢以及经济建设环境的好坏，对刑事政策的发展都具有关键性的引导作用。刑事政策的目的完结有赖于经济的发展和引导功能的发挥。探讨经济变化与刑事政策的关系，对于构筑符合时代要求的刑事政策体系，具有现实意义。     

中俄两国经贸关系发展现状及其广阔前景

中俄两国是重要的经济贸易伙伴。在经受了2008年全球金融和经济危机冲击后,中俄两国经贸关系全面恢复和迅速发展。在中俄政府总理定期会晤制度框架下,建立了两国经济合作对话与协商机制。近年来,中俄贸易规模不断扩大,能源领域的合作日益深化,相互投资不断增加,地区间的经济贸易关系全面发展。全面提升贸易质量,扩大贸易规模,增加相互投资,深化能源合作,推动地区间和边境地区经贸合作,加强经济现代化领域合作,将成为中俄经贸关系发展的重要方向。     

美国重返亚洲对中国东亚地区FTA战略的影响——基于TPP合作视角的分析

美国通过加入TPP从实质上确立了"重返亚洲"的全球战略调整,在更大程度上加快了对亚太地区经济一体化进程的干涉。美国主导下的TPP对东亚区域经济合作机制的发展产生了重要影响,也给中国的整体和局部FTA战略带来了诸多的不确定性和挑战。中国必须正确认识美国在东亚地区的经济战略转变以及TPP扩张带来的潜在影响,在此基础上对FTA战略做出合理的调整。中国的FTA战略重心仍应保留在东亚地区,提高国内企业对FTA的利用率,同时跟踪研究TPP的最新进展,为以后加入TPP谈判做好相应的准备工作。     

Dimensions of Chinese foreign conflict and cooperation: A research note

Key mediation attributes, such as mediating actors, the strategy they choose, and previous mediation experiences, are widely thought to influence the nature of a conflict management outcome. But how and when these features shape outcomes is not a straightforward matter, and a standard analysis of these factors does not lead to their widely anticipated results. Why? We develop a new analytical framework that argues that a dispute's intensity alters the conflict management processes. Furthermore, in order to observe this variation, we also need to expand the traditional, dichotomous notion of conflict management outcomes (success or failure) to include a fuller range of observed results. Using the most recent International Conflict Management data set and our new analytical framework, we analyze the effect on conflict management outcome of mediator (a) identity, (b) strategy and (c) history. We find that directive strategies and international mediators are effective in resolving high intensity conflicts, procedural strategies and regional mediators are effective in resolving low intensity conflicts, and that mediation history always affects resolution. Our results have implications for both the study and practice of international dispute mediation.     

Social Network Position of Gang Members in Schools: Implications for Recruitment and Gang Prevention

Schools are venues in which gang and non-gang involved youth converge. It is therefore a likely venue for gang recruitment. The extent to which this occurs depends upon the ability of gang members to connect with non-gang members. In this study, we compare the social network positions of high social status gang members who are well integrated into school networks with low status members who are not. Using network data from the Add Health study (n = 1,822), we find that not only are high status gang members strongly embedded within school networks, but that this status is driven by their ability to connect with non-gang members rather than other gang members (indicated by the high number of friendship nominations they receive from non-gang members). These gang members are potentially in optimal positions to influence others to join gangs. The implications of these results for school-based gang prevention programs are discussed.     

Looking back,thinking forward: Understanding the feasibility of normative supranationalism in the African Union

The creation of the African Union (AU) in 2002 was seen as a significant paradigm shift in the course of continental integration. Unlike its predecessor, the Organization of African Unity, the AU has a normative framework that espouses supranational aspirations. Various aspects of the AU framework, such as the nature of some of the AU institutions, the declared right of intervention, and the objective of harmonising the policies of Regional Economic Communities under the AU umbrella, are allusions to supranationalism. Furthermore, it appears that normative supranationalism is the goal, in that these aspects indicate the intention on the part of the architects of the AU to create a regime under which AU laws and policies are superior to national and sub-regional rules. The fact that, after a decade of the AU's existence, little or no progress has been made in this regard requires serious introspection. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to explore some of the factors that militate against the effective operation of normative supranationalism in the AU and proffer recommendations on how to address those constraints.     

South Africa and Myanmar: Beware the politics of perfidy

The article examines the repressive actions of the government of Myanmar, focusing on its continuing incarceration of a Nobel Peace Prize Winner, and questions the diplomatic route South Africa has chosen in terms of its relations with the country.