论法治之法

法治的实现以法制为前提,而良法又是法治的题中之义,也是法治的有力保障.本文试图从立法原理、立法宗旨、立法程序以及法律的价值取向等方面来分析何为良法,以求探讨在法治建设中如何使立法真正走上良性的发展轨道.     

华蟾素肝动脉栓塞治疗对中晚期原发性肝癌患者生存质量的影响

目的 评估肝动脉华蟾素注射液栓塞治疗对中晚期肝癌患者生存质量的影响。方法 将80例中晚期原发性肝癌患者随机分为治疗组和对照组,每组40例。两组患者均采用肝动脉栓塞术治疗,治疗组和对照组患者分别给予华蟾素注射液和表阿霉素注射液灌注。治疗前及TAE术后6周,分别采用美国东部肿瘤协作组ZPS评分标准（Eastern Cooperative Oncology Group, Zubrod-ECOG-WHO, ZPS）、中文版FACT-Hep量表（Functional Assessment of Cancer Therapy-Hepatobiliary, FACT-Hep）评价患者的生存质量。结果 两组治疗前ZPS评分、FACT-Hep量表各维度评分及总分比较,差异均无统计学意义(P>0.05)。TAE术后6 d,治疗组ZPS评分显著改善(P<0.01);治疗后6周,治疗组FACT-Hep量表各维度评分及总分均显著高于对照组(P<0.05,或P<0.01)。结论 华蟾素注射液肝动脉给药联合碘油栓塞治疗方案可改善中晚期肝癌患者生活质量。     

奥巴马政府监管的行为法经济学分析——“成本收益国家”在“行为时代”的人性化改革

奥巴马政府以行为科学和行为法经济学的成果为科学基础，从完善监管和监管审查，促进国际监管合作，以及减少监管负担三个主要方面进行了政府监管改革。这是对成本收益分析传统的完善和补充，是一种更加符合行为法经济学实证和规范要求的人性化和合理化政府监管模式。     

国际制度设计视角下的澜湄合作

为什么在湄公河流域已经存在数十个国际合作机制的情况下,还要建立澜湄合作(LMC)这一新型次区域合作机制?既有研究大多强调湄公河流域大国国际制度主导权竞争的宏观背景因素,而较少关注澜湄合作机制的新制度特征及其形成原因,即澜湄新型次区域合作机制究竟"新在何处"。与大湄公河次区域经济合作机制(GMS)等既有国际机制相比,澜湄合作机制具有两大新的制度特征:一是议题范围更加广泛,除了传统的区域经济合作议题外,还增加了区域安全合作以及水资源合作等新议题;二是集中程度更高,与之前合作机制主要由"职能部门引领"以及"借用"亚洲开发银行作为国际秘书处的做法不同,澜湄合作机制采取了"领导人引领、各部门参与"的机制运行模式,并逐步建立独立的国际秘书处。通过运用国际制度理性设计的理论模型,本文考察了在湄公河流域国际合作中上游国家与下游国家之间所面临的日益严峻的分配问题和执行问题,并以此解释了澜湄合作新制度特征的形成原因。     

The Woman Victim in a Country in Crisis: A Reading of Tagwira's The Uncertainty of Hope

The article is based on my reading of Valerie Tagwira’s The Uncertainty of Hope as a feminist text that portrays female victimhood in the context of a failing postcolonial state. Tagwira writes about the experiences of a woman against the background of Murambatsvina, officially termed ‘‘Operation Clean Up.’’ The Zimbabwean Operation Clean Up of 2005 was condemned worldwide; and in her novel, Tagwira gives an often-ignored dimension of a woman’s experience of it, in the general context of a country facing serious political, economic and social challenges. For Tagwira, the challenges faced by Onai, as well as those around her, do not have links to their racial identities. Thus, Tagwira redefines the enemyvictim trope of the Third Chimurenga by subverting the state’s interpretation of the struggle discourse of the Third Chimurenga. In the state’s discourse, the victim trope is racial, the state enemy is the former colonial master (in support of the opposition political party) and the victim is the previously colonised black. In my analysis, I have used Susan Wendell’s theory on oppression and victimisation as contained in her article Oppression and Victimization: Choice and Responsibility (1990).     

治安检查若干问题探析

治安检查是公安机关维护社会秩序的重要手段,但其属性、设定、执行主体的职权、适用程序、监督救济等问题不明晰。治安检查是一般性行政强制措施,只能由法律法规和规章进行设定,执行主体的职责权限要界定,实施时应遵循一定程序,同时也必须加强执法监督,并为其提供相应的法律救济途径。     

省直管县改革背景下市县横向分治与合作机制之构建

省直管县改革是为适应经济社会快速发展而进行的行政层级调整,对于破除市管县体制藩篱、激活和增强县域经济发展活力、提高行政效率具有重大意义.实践中,市县科层结构"交错纠缠"、省级政府管理幅度偏大、市县资源依赖关系受到冲击等问题一定程度上影响了省直管县改革的推进,导致改革的政策红利未能充分释放.应从增加省直管县试点数量、推动...     

Regional transport challenges within the Southern African Development Community and their implications for economic integration and development

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) seeks to deepen economic integration among its members through the SADC free trade area that came into effect in January 2008. The thrust for a progressive reduction of tariff and no-tariff barriers, which the market integration model emphasises, has serious implications for the impact of transport and communication systems on economic integration and development within SADC.

Transport and communications systems have an important bearing on economic integration and development because they can be significant non-tariff barriers. The SADC Protocol on Transport, Communications and Meteorology is the instrument through which transport and communications constraints are to be addressed. Through this protocol, some institutions have been established and others proposed to ensure that projects designed to deepen economic integration and development are implemented effectively.

The neo-functional integration approach is a relevant theoretical framework for analysing transport and communications issues and for implementing joint sectoral projects in areas that impact on overcoming development-related deficiencies in production and infrastructure. Transport and communications fall in this category of projects and the SADC region has benefited from functional co-operation in this sector.

As integration proceeds, polarisation of industries could occur, raising concerns about the distributional effects of economic integration as this affects development. However, polarisation is not inevitable: it depends on transport costs. This might seriously address transport and communications constraints because, if these are greatly reduced and eventually removed, weaker SADC countries need not lose industries to the core with the SADC Free Trade Area in place.     

从《反洗钱法》看我国洗钱罪立法的演进及完善

当前,洗钱犯罪已经成为各国普遍面临的难题,它不但给犯罪所得的黑钱披上了合法的外衣,为国家追查相关上游犯罪设置了障碍,而且为犯罪分子继续甚至扩大犯罪提供了条件与机会。如何对之进行有效打击,是各国都在努力探究的问题。本文从我国洗钱罪的立法历程入手,通过中外立法例的比较,指出我国洗钱罪立法上的不足,并提出今后应当完善的方向。     

ASEAN as the ‘regional conductor’: understanding ASEAN's role in Asia-Pacific order

This paper analyses ASEAN's prominence in regional order negotiation and management in Southeast Asia and the Asia-pacific through the lens of social role negotiation. It argues that ASEAN has negotiated legitimate social roles as the ‘primary manager’ in Southeast Asia and the ‘regional conductor’ of the Asia-Pacific order. It develops an English School-inspired role negotiation framework and applies it to three periods: 1954–1975 when ASEAN's ‘primary manager’ role emerged from negotiations with the USA; 1978–1991 when ASEAN's role was strengthened through negotiations with China during the Cambodian conflict; and 1991-present when ASEAN created and expanded the ‘regional conductor’ role. Negotiations during the Cold War established a division of labour where great powers provided security public goods but the great power function of diplomatic leadership was transferred to ASEAN. ASEAN's diplomatic leadership in Southeast Asia provided a foundation for creating its ‘regional conductor’ role after the Cold War. ASEAN's ability to sustain its roles depends on maintaining role bargains acceptable to the great powers, an increasingly difficult task due to great power rivalry in the South China Sea.