欧盟与中国的软实力对地区和全球治理的影响

本文讨论了欧洲和中国软实力政治对于东亚地区治理过程以及全球治理的影响。文中笔者重点讨论了欧盟及美国对东亚地区特别是对中国政策的特点;指出了二者的区别所在,及其对东亚地区化进程以及东亚地区发展带来的不同影响。通过比较,说明软实力对于地区治理及全球治理将产生深远影响。     

The politics of history and historical memory in China-Japan relations

The current state of China-Japan relations is characterized by two seemingly contradictory developments adjacent to each other: while economic and cultural relations have experienced an unprecedented and continuous improvement since the 1980s, Chinese and Japanese public perceptions of each other have been deteriorating. This raises interesting questions. How do we explain this discrepancy and what are the sources of the increasing public animosity in China or Japan toward the other country? Can China and Japan maintain amicable relations and continue economic cooperation in spite of the enduring mistrust between their peoples? What is the role of public perception and memory of history in the foreign policies of East Asia? This paper addresses these questions, focusing especially on the last one — the role of history and collective historical memory in international relations and the interaction between public sentiment and government foreign policies. Through a detailed study of recent events and the issue of Japanese textbooks, the author argues that public perception of history can and should be guided toward more positive directions. Otherwise, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain amicable relations between the two countries, especially when new nationalism is on the rise in both counties.     

非公有制经济发展与海峡西岸经济区建设

非公有制经济是建设海峡西岸经济区发展战略的生力军。当务之急要认真贯彻国务院关于鼓励支持和引导非公有制经济发展的政策,结合福建非公有制经济和对台优势,对内进一步放开,从立法、政策和制度上给非公有制经济的快速发展创造一个更加宽松、公平的环境,同时,进一步推动闽台区域经济合作,充分发挥非公有制经济在建设海峡西岸经济区过程中的重要作用。     

论帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪之应然主体

对帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪主体范围的理解和适用,见仁见智。以罪刑法定为指导对本罪主体进行法条解析：本罪之应然主体以“身份说”为主,兼采“职权说”,皆以负有查禁犯罪的职责为前提。查禁犯罪活动是从调查、发现犯罪人或犯罪事实开始,到立案侦查、审查起诉这一过程的活动。负有查禁犯罪活动职责的各级党委机关中的政法委工作人员,不能成为本罪之主体。     

区域物流系统的特征及其与区域经济系统的关系

区域物流系统是区域经济大系统中的一个子系统。它是大跨度、多目标、动态性、复杂性的人-机系统。区域物流系统的建立既要考虑其宏观经济效益,也要考虑其本身的微观经济效益。区域物流的存在和发展以区域经济的存在和发展为前提,区域经济作为一个区域中包括物流活动在内的各种经济活动的总和,对区域物流具有决定作用。     

西电东送的区域能源效应分析

西电东送有利于国家范围的资源优化配置,有利于开发西部。西电东送工程的成效,一方面取决于输入地内在的长期能源消费变动趋向,另一方面取决于其他能源,尤其是石油价格的未来变动走向,以及电力部门相应的定价策略。     

WTO法律适用问题刍议

中国加入世贸组织 ,必然会产生WTO法的国内适用问题。依据国际法与国内法关系的一般原理 ,WTO法具有优先于我国国内法的效力 ,国内法不得与之相抵触。因此必须排除当前国际法适用中的某些障碍 ,从立法、行政和司法角度积极创造条件 ,为我国在WTO法构建的“游戏规则”中成为真正的赢家奠定基础。     

论中国区际法律冲突

当前,中国各法域之间的法律冲突应属于区际法律冲突,结合其特点,用实体法规则方法与冲突法规则方法解决中国区际法律冲突各有其利弊和可能性,但中国目前应由各个法域自行制定各自的区际冲突法规则。     

Adivasiness as Caste Expression and Land Rights Claim-Making in Central-Eastern India

ABSTRACT

The adivasi population represents a special case in India’s new land wars. Strong individual and community rights to agricultural and forest lands have been enacted for this group based on notions of adivasi identities as primeval, but without linking these to economic and political influence. This article interrogates the adivasi land question seen through a caste lens. It does so via case studies in two states to understand the ways in which adivasi identity can be mobilised for its instrumental value and used to demand land rights. In Andhra Pradesh, the Supreme Court’s Samatha Judgement has prevented virtually all private mining activities. In Jharkhand, however, similar legislation is seen to be trumped by the national Coal Bearing Areas Act, as well as by former and current land acquisition acts that allow industrial land claims to take precedence over identity-based ones. Available evidence indicates the challenges involved in bringing support for land rights that are premised on a supposedly unchanging adivasi identity when these rights go against dominant interests. This circumstance serves to highlight the possibilities present in caste analysis to understand the plight of adivasis, despite their usually distinct treatment in scholarly analyses.     

Big dreams and small steps: comparative perspectives on the social movement struggle for democracy in Serbia and North Macedonia

ABSTRACT

This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to struggle against illiberal tendencies and incite political change in Serbia and North Macedonia. First, we discuss the illiberal elements of political regimes in the countries in question, Serbia and North Macedonia. Then, we provide a comprehensive overview of progressive social movements in the two countries, formed and organized as a response to different authoritarian and non-democratic tendencies. Finally, we point to some differences in their organizing, coalition-forging and issue-defining principles, which, we believe, may help to explain the relative success of social movements in North Macedonia in producing relevant political outcomes, compared to the weak political impact of social movements in Serbia. Empirical data were collected during the summer of 2018 through in-depth interviews with members of social movements in North Macedonia and Serbia.