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161.
儒家政治思想是中国传统意识形态的基石,儒家的德治思想又是这个基石的内核,由此形成了独特的德治思维.儒家思想家们把从事政治活动的每个人都想象成为在道德方面完善的主体,这也是中国传统政治中的主流意识形态.本文在分析儒家德治思想的基础和特征的同时,从政治思维、政治理性、方法论等方面又进一步分析了儒家德治思想的局限.  相似文献   
162.
论区域经济发展中的软法之治——以包容性发展为视角   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
软法之治是解决我国区域经济法制发展滞后问题的有效制度方案之一。区域经济发展中的软法在结构、功能与效力等方面有其自身的内在规律。在区域经济发展领域,软法与硬法之间所形成的制度包容性发展乃是区域经济包容性发展的题中之义。在法治语境下,区域经济软法在融入法治的过程中需要在价值取向上秉持善治的旨归,在实施依据上彰显制度的包容,在完善路径上顺应法治的嬗变。  相似文献   
163.
政党政治是民主政治的产物。政党行使着相当一部分的国家政治权力,左右国家和社会的发展,对国家政治生活有着广泛的影响。政党政治于民主政治而言,不只是积极作用,也有消极作用。正因为此,政党要守法。政党守法是法治国家的题中之义,是民主政治的必然要求,是市场经济的内在逻辑。政党守法既要明确政党守法的范畴,叉要明确政党守法的前提条件。  相似文献   
164.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) seeks to deepen economic integration among its members through the SADC free trade area that came into effect in January 2008. The thrust for a progressive reduction of tariff and no-tariff barriers, which the market integration model emphasises, has serious implications for the impact of transport and communication systems on economic integration and development within SADC.

Transport and communications systems have an important bearing on economic integration and development because they can be significant non-tariff barriers. The SADC Protocol on Transport, Communications and Meteorology is the instrument through which transport and communications constraints are to be addressed. Through this protocol, some institutions have been established and others proposed to ensure that projects designed to deepen economic integration and development are implemented effectively.

The neo-functional integration approach is a relevant theoretical framework for analysing transport and communications issues and for implementing joint sectoral projects in areas that impact on overcoming development-related deficiencies in production and infrastructure. Transport and communications fall in this category of projects and the SADC region has benefited from functional co-operation in this sector.

As integration proceeds, polarisation of industries could occur, raising concerns about the distributional effects of economic integration as this affects development. However, polarisation is not inevitable: it depends on transport costs. This might seriously address transport and communications constraints because, if these are greatly reduced and eventually removed, weaker SADC countries need not lose industries to the core with the SADC Free Trade Area in place.  相似文献   

165.
《法学杂志》2012,33(7)
人民民主是我国社会主义国家政权的本质,发展社会主义民主,实现人民当家做主是我国宪法、宪政的核心使命。秉承这一使命,我国现行《宪法》实施30年来,极大地促进了我国社会主义民主政治的发展。然而,在当前我国社会主义建设的新时期,社会主义民主政治也面临着不少问题与挑战。因此,有必要结合既有成就,正视新时期的挑战,通过进一步推进我国现行《宪法》的实施,探索社会主义民主政治发展的新路向。而培育社会主义民主文化,关注公民身份、提升公民的民主行动能力,走社会主义民主渐进发展之路,促进我国社会主义民主制度的完善与创新则是最为重要的环节。  相似文献   
166.
With the UK set to leave the EU, the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) will no longer apply and an alternative legislative framework will need to be put in place, simultaneously navigating the devolved settlement. However, aspects of fisheries management fall under the area of international negotiation which is reserved to the UK government. Disagreements between the UK and Scottish governments over where the line between devolved and reserved lies in this matter has led to difficulties in formulating a post‐Brexit fisheries framework. This dispute has exposed weaknesses in relations between the two governments.  相似文献   
167.
Over the past decade, directional drilling and hydraulic fracturing enabled an unconventional oil and gas extraction (UOGE) boom in many regions of the United States, including parts of Pennsylvania. This revolution has created serious concerns about the capability of existing institutions to govern important societal outcomes associated with UOGE. We present a conceptual framework for assessing key societal outcomes influenced by UOGE governance. In applying this framework to Pennsylvania, we discern certain institutional strengths that have allowed the Commonwealth to reap appreciable short‐term economic growth from rich resource endowments. We also find, however, that several institutional weaknesses have allowed costs externalized to the environment, public health, and community integrity to offset some proportion of those economic benefits. Likewise, we find that governance of UOGE in Pennsylvania has contributed to a bifurcated sociopolitical landscape wherein adversarial coalitions dispute the legitimacy of the industry and its governance.  相似文献   
168.
构建行之有效的党内利益冲突防范和治理机制,建设反腐败斗争的坚实堡垒,必须规范党员领导干部公共权力界限,健全党员领导干部权力监督制约机制。  相似文献   
169.
The central research goals of this article are to classify and explain the positions of the 89 state “governors” of Russia with regard to the most desirable federal division of power. The state governors are classified along a 5-item autonomy index based on events data and content analysis of their speeches, declarations, petitions, threats and actions from 1991–1995 as reported in two regional sources. Theoretical propositions derived from four schools of thought (essentialism, instrumentalism, relative deprivation and resource mobilization) are tested to discover which, if any, provide useful insights into the preferences and behavior of regional elites in Russia. In the end, a combined model that synthesizes elements of the above is shown to be most useful in explaining variation in elite positions.  相似文献   
170.
Guide to Authors     
正Published by China Institute of International Studies,China International Studies is China’s first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation.The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on  相似文献   
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