基于核心企业培育的陕西产业集群发展对策研究

产业集群是区域竞争优势形成的重要途径。产业集群的发展与核心企业的成长相互影响、相互决定。核心企业在产业集群发展中起着企业集聚、产业组织、产品导向、创新引领的作用。从陕西产业集群发展现状出发,产业集群发展的政策设计,应突出核心企业的集聚、衍生、裂变以及配套企业的关联和产业组织的根植。在产业集群发展的不同阶段,需采取相应的针对核心企业作用发挥的产业政策。     

长吉图开发开放先导区的区域引力与产业布局研究

长吉图开发开放先导区的成立,为东北亚的发展带来了新的机遇。虽然长吉图开发开放先导区内存在着两个经济中心,但延图龙地区的经济发展辐射能力明显低于长吉图。经过近十年的发展,使得长吉图的一体化趋势更加明显,该核心区的第二产业实力雄厚,第三产业发展相对落后;而延图龙核心区第二产业与周边地区产业发展存在脱离现象,未能实现优势互补,第三产业发展势头较好,但现阶段的辐射能力不足。因此,必须加大延图龙及珲春市的建设,推进另一个经济中心的快速增长;大力推进长吉图区域的交通建设,促进产业升级及转变产业增长方式。     

新世纪俄蒙关系与东北亚区域合作

俄罗斯和蒙古国双边关系的真正改善是在普京当选俄罗斯总统之后。普京总统意识到蒙古国战略地位是俄罗斯远东战略不可或缺的重要因素后开始加强与蒙古国的关系。梅德韦杰夫进一步升级两国关系。俄罗斯和蒙古国良好关系的现状和优势有助于东北亚在各领域的合作。     

The front and back stages of carceral expansion marketing in Canada

This article examines how provincial and territorial government agencies and prison authorities in Canada promote new penal infrastructure initiatives. Through an analysis of press releases, websites, opening ceremonies and open houses to promote jail and prison construction projects, our analysis reveals discourses that are legitimating carceral expansion in the Canadian context including: the pursuit of public safety and institutional security; providing opportunities for rehabilitation and healing; addressing the legacies of colonization through the ‘indigenizing’ of imprisonment; generating economic stimulus through prison-related employment and other financial contributions; and the establishment of ‘environmentally-friendly’ prisons. Drawing from government records obtained using Access to Information and Freedom of Information requests, we also provide examples of how front stage messages communicated to the public are assembled by bureaucrats and marketing firms in the back stage of these punishment campaigns.     

Belgian regional parliaments and the European Union: an analysis of parliamentary scrutiny in agricultural and environmental policies

ABSTRACT

Drawing on qualitative case studies of two specific European decision-making processes in the agricultural and environmental sectors, this paper discusses how and why Belgian regional parliaments activated (or not) their control mechanisms to scrutinise their respective regional ministers. The findings show that parliamentary scrutiny of the agricultural and environmental policy fields has undergone a process of institutional and behavioural Europeanisation. Belgian regional parliaments rely mostly on classical parliamentary tools aimed at gathering information and, to a lesser extent, on constraining instruments aimed at influencing their government. Rather than trying to influence the EU negotiations, the MPs try to assess the potential impact of the reforms on their regional policy sectors. The findings also demonstrate that domestic media coverage and political salience of the EU negotiation associated with important implementing powers of regional parliaments have a positive effect on the level of scrutiny conducted by Belgian regional assemblies.     

Wasting or saving time? How government and opposition parties use time during legislative debates. Evidence from the Italian case

The use of plenary time during legislative debates has consequences for the enhancement of party goals. Hence, parties have different preferences on how legislative time should be managed: while some parties would like time not to be ‘wasted’ on the floor, other parties may instead try to ‘consume’ as much time as possible. Speeches delivered in the plenary signal these preferences. Focusing on plenary debates on legislation, this paper proposes a theory for explaining party speech-making behaviour that takes into consideration parties’ preferences on the use of time and their incentives related to the divide between government and opposition. The theoretical argument also emphasises the role of issue salience and party cohesion, which interact with the incentives faced by government and opposition parties. Hypotheses are tested against data from over 21,000 speeches delivered in the Italian parliament. Results highlight the importance of considering the different incentives faced by government and opposition parties when analysing speech making in parliamentary settings, and suggest some interesting avenues for future enquiry.     

Exercising control and gathering information: the functions of interpellations in Hungary (1990–2014)

The article investigates the factors shaping the number and content of interpellations, a form of parliamentary questions by members of parliament (MPs) in post-regime change Hungary. Four theoretical propositions regarding the functions of interpellations are examined in this context: political control; policy-oriented information seeking; parliamentary group leadership; and constituency service. A new database of 4096 observations for the period between 1990 and 2014 is compiled in order to analyse these hypotheses. Computer-assisted content analysis techniques and count data regressions are used to describe the text of interpellations in terms of their geographical and policy content. Results show that opposition MPs interpellate more, whereas representatives of single-member districts and regional lists interpellate less than their peers. Representatives from single-member districts and regional lists make more reference to local issues in general, but not to their own district or county. Finally, policy specialisation increases the likelihood of submitting pertinent parliamentary questions.     

台湾南部的社会政治环境与民进党的政治版图——兼对“南方政治”定义的探讨

台湾的政治版图已出现所渭"北蓝南绿"的格局,台湾学界有人将南部稳定支持绿营政党的情形命名为"南方政治"。实际上民进党在南部的政治版图从1990年代中期就已经显形,台湾南部由于本省人占多数的"省籍-族群"分布、具有更厚重本土味的性格与社会经济状况等的耦合,再加上绿营耕耘多年,引导和激发了较浓厚的"本土"价值,目前民进党在南部的政治版图虽收缩,但这种社会政治环境使其仍有一定的根基。不过,研究者多数从民进党或泛绿在南部的得票率和政治版图等来分析"南方政治",这种定义是狭义性的,就"南方政治"与南部的社会政治环境相关性,从广义上其更应定义为地域意识或地方性在政治上的表现,它虽与民进党的关联颇深,但在蓝营方面也会有所体现。     

论我国农民参政权——基于2009年《选举法修正案草案》的现实思考

政治参与是衡量政治现代化的重要指标,是民主政治的重要内容。农民是中国最大的群体,却是政治参与的边缘群体。《选举法修正案草案》有望使农民获得真正意义上的平等选举权,更有机会参与国家政治生活;但应该在对其肯定的同时,更多地从我国农民参政所处的现状思考,通过对农民参政影响因素及现状分析,探寻一条适合国情的农民参政权的实现路径。     

南海区域安全与区域化法律准则认同探究

区域合作不仅仅在于利他主义的形成,重要的是在合作博弈中的均衡。合作与竞争之间是一种对立关系,有序的竞争才能等于合作。然而,任何竞争要想实现有序性必须有安全作保障,没有安全的竞争必然是一场战争。同样南海区域中的各个国家的竞争更需要安全作保障,而南海区域安全与区域内的法律准则的认同有着直接的关联性。历史的经验证明了只有中国才能实现这种目标,也只有中国主导下的区域法治才能够实现南海区域内的竞争是有序的。对区域安全及主权理论的反思有利于推导出区域内危险根源——主权理论扭曲,与竞争有序性的必要条件——区域化法律准则的认同与中国主导下的区域法治。