Understanding resource nationalism: economic dynamics and political institutions

Resource nationalism is on the rise around the globe. During the recent global resource boom, many governments have adopted nationalistic policies to maximise the political and economic benefits from their mining and energy sectors. Existing theories of resource nationalism rely upon economistic bargaining models, which fail to interrogate how political processes shape governments’ resource policy strategies. This article extends and develops these bargaining models by theorising the role of political institutions – specifically those found in rentier, developing and liberal market economies – in determining patterns of resource nationalism. A survey of 12 major resource-producing countries reveals that contemporary resource nationalism takes a range of distinct forms, which are connected to differences in political institutions that structure the objectives and policies of governments. It is therefore argued that while economic dynamics function as an enabling factor, political institutions are an equally important conditioning factor shaping the distinctive forms of resource nationalism observed today.     

Energy security in China–European Union relations: framing further efforts of collaboration

The aim of this article is to help frame the China–EU dialogue on energy security, formally established in 2012, yet in reality adding to decades of sustained dialogue and collaboration to address energy development and policy-making in China. The paper begins by noting that the lack of mutual energy dependence between the EU and China can place a limit to the attractiveness of the security dimension of energy as a topic for further dialogue. China's energy challenges require fast delivery of industry-level results, against ideational aspects associated with search for energy security on the global scale. Then, the article proceeds in four parts: (1) a review and analysis of European and Chinese energy security concepts; (2) an explanation of the rationale for EU–China energy security cooperation and policy coordination; (3) an overview of the past and current undertakings in the energy field between China and the EU; and (4) a set of ideas to consider in making this new layer of formal dialogue effectual.     

Environmentalism of the malcontent: anatomy of an anti-coal power plant struggle in Turkey

This paper introduces the concept of the ‘environmentalism of the malcontent’ to characterise a type of environmental activism that is increasingly common in Turkey. It illustrates its argument by analysing the resistance movement against the proposed Gerze coal power plant. By so doing, it problematises the relationship between class and environmental consciousness as well as the ability of the existing literature to accurately characterise the underlying motivation of movements against development projects. It shows that the mobilisation in Gerze was not rooted only or primarily in environmental concerns but animated by disaffection with, among other things, neoliberal developmentalism, disregard of democratic policy-making and violent suppression of societal dissent by the state. ‘Environmentalism of the malcontent’ describes the way in which long-lasting dissatisfaction with broader processes marking the development trajectory of the country combined with personal experience in radical political action enabled a group of urban, mostly retired, residents of Gerze to successfully collaborate with peasant activists against the construction of the power plant by deploying arguments regarding its potential negative environmental impact.     

Labor History—Past,Present, and Future

ABSTRACT

While much recent literature has focused on the environmental cost of carbon fuels, these sources of energy generated large human costs in the work environment as well. Work in coal mines was famously dangerous. And while petroleum, gas extraction and refining were also risky, this paper demonstrates that they were far less dangerous than was coal, while energy productivity per worker was also higher in oil than coal. Relying in part on previously unexploited data, the paper also shows that on the eve of World War II, the human costs of energy – measured by fatalities per btu of output – were sharply less in oil and gas production than in coal mining. Thus the great twentieth century energy transition from coal to liquid and gaseous fuels reduced both the environmental and the workplace costs per unit of energy.     

芬兰利用区域供热系统的热制冷

在夏季采用区域供热系统的热量作为吸收式冷凝器制冷系统的能源,可代替电和机械能源制冷。     

日本能源政策动向及能源法研究

当前,我国由国家能源办、国家发改委、国务院法制办和中编办等15家中央单位组成起草小组,由能源、经济、法律、公共管理领域的16名专家组成的起草专家,已展开了对我国<能源法>的起草工作.我国能源立法应该采取何种立法体系,确立何种能源管理体制,应否确立能源市场自由化等问题,值得我们从理论上深入研究.本文系统梳理了日本能源政策动向,探讨了日本能源法律制度的特点及其对我国能源立法的启示,以期为我国能源立法尽绵薄之力.     

中国民用核能安全保障法律制度的困境与重构

民用核能是一种清洁、高效的能源。频发的民用核能事故要求在民用核能利用过程中重点关注安全保障法律制度建设。民用核能利用的生态伦理及民用核能安全价值是构建民用核能安全保障法律制度的理论基础。我国民用核能安全保障法律制度在立法理念、法律体系、法律制度实施等领域均存在困境。借鉴国外民用核能安全保障法律制度建设的经验,中国应该从法律程序、实体法、相关制度等方面对民用核能安全保障法律制度加以重构。     

Varieties of Social Policy by Other Means: Lessons for Comparative Welfare State Research

Abstract

Scholars can take a broader look at social policy and understand that traditional public welfare state programs are only one of the many potential sources of social protection and regulation. The contributions of this special issue invite social policy scholars to explore policy instruments that provide “social policy by other means” across a wide array of areas, including agriculture, energy, immigration, taxation, and legal regulation of private benefits and services. The article provides a concise overview of some of the key theoretical and empirical implications of social policy by other means for comparative welfare state research. In order to do this, it is divided into two main sections, which respectively discuss the nature and boundaries of social policy and the varieties of social policy by other means. This is followed by a short conclusion, which summarizes the key lessons of this special issue for comparative welfare state research.     

Sub-state Climate Pioneers: The Case of Scotland

Climate change poses a global challenge, but many of the most ambitious and innovative efforts to confront it have emerged from the sub-state level. While such action has received significant attention in North America, less attention has been paid to European sub-state nations and regions, even though several of these regions are at the forefront of policy efforts to reduce carbon emissions and promote renewable energy. This article begins to fill that knowledge gap. It explores the puzzle as to why, and how, given their more limited scope for policy action, some sub-state governments position themselves as ‘climate pioneers’. The article undertakes a heuristic case study of Scotland, which has developed a particularly ambitious climate change and renewable energy programme. Drawing on public policy literature, we use the case study to consider the extent to which such ambition is enabled by constitutional and fiscal capacity, facilitated by a cohesive policy network, and motivated by economic and political goals. While we find evidence of these enabling features in the Scottish case, we argue that understanding sub-state climate action also necessitates examining such action through the lens of territorial politics. Adopting a territorial perspective highlights the opportunities, constraints and motivations associated with the politics of territorial identity and multi-level government.     

“廉能量”的内涵、外延和作用

"正能量"的提出不仅可以整饬社会风气,而且可以通过批判现存的失范现象重塑道德规范,促使人们的行为符合必要的社会规范,因而为群众自觉接受、广泛认同并大力提倡。"正能量"的内核就是"廉"及由其生发的"廉能量"。"廉能量"是指党员干部坚定理想信念、坚守清正廉洁、坚持率先垂范而释放出的强大清廉能量,能够引领、带动民风和社会风气聚合、裂变出更大的社会正能量。"廉能量"的聚合、释放、传递,对净化心灵、端正行为、提振精神,实现党风与社会风气的良性互动提供支撑点和动力源。