Rancière and revolution

This paper explores what role Rancière's work can play in the struggle for a more democratic world. It highlights the strength of Rancière's conception of democracy, which clearly identifies democracy as a popular disruption of the prevailing police order. This order claims to have assigned a proper role to all parts of society. Democracy for Rancière is when an element emerges that has not been taken account of and demonstrates the police order's claim to be false. Among the many benefits of this way of understanding democracy, it upsets any easy association between hegemony and democracy – as in Laclau & Mouffe – and it refuses utterly the ideological fusing of democracy, capitalism, and the state offered by the liberal-democratic-capitalist consensus. However, Rancière's approach also introduces significant limits on democracy because it denies that democracy can ever do more than disrupt the prevailing order. It does not allow for the possibility that democracy can grow and spread to the point that it becomes pervasive in the polity. This paper uses the case of the Egyptian uprising to show how this limitation closes off important political possibilities. The paper argues that Deleuze & Guattari's theorisation of revolution, when used carefully, is a necessary corrective to Rancière's too-restricted concept of democracy     

Promises of an impossible compromise: conceded constitutions in Europe, 1814–1906

The enactment of a constitution through the method of ‘concession’, as it was used in Europe between the Napoleonic wars and World War I, indicates that a hitherto absolute ruler understood the need for a higher level of institutionalization and collective exercise of state power, but mistrusted institutionalized and collective processes, which would define the level needed. In other word, a ‘concession’ comprehended an imminent contradiction. Drafting an enduring constitution is a complex and difficult task, which requires consensus- building on a wide scale through collective procedures. However, a ruler who ‘concedes’ implicitly denies any kind of collective constitution-making, which could get out of the ruler’s control. Instead rulers preferred a non-inclusive approach, using court advisors and/or ministers appointed by the ruler, to draft the constitutional text. The European experience analyzed in this article shows that popular involvement through representative procedures (such as the election of a constituent assembly) in the making of a constitution can improve its chances for endurance through time and create a political environment more favourable for the constitution to achieve normative quality, instead of remaining essentially a false promise.     

马克思主义是在自我革命过程中发展的

马克思、恩格斯是彻底的革命者,他们不仅无情地批判资产阶级意识形态和各种机会主义观点,而且具有自我革命、自我批判精神,不断随着时代的变化、科学的进步、实践的发展克服自己理论的时代局限性和历史局限性,开拓自己理论发展的新境界,把自己的理论提到新的高度。以"从无产阶级同时解放全人类,到首先解放自己然后解放全人类""从劳动的价值到劳动力的价值"和"从认为东方不存在土地私有制到承认东方存在土地私有制"三次观点演进的过程发展为例,深入文献考证,可具体说明马克思、恩格斯是如何克服自己理论上的旧观点、旧概念、旧表达形式从而把自己的理论推向前进的。     

女性解放与政治解放的互动——以土地革命时期的农村妇女动员为例

在传统的农业社会中,女性是政治的绝缘体。在革命的过程中,中国共产党如何动员占总人口半数左右的农村妇女参与革命是个难点。本文运用政治动员的视角来梳理共产党动员农村妇女参加革命的社会背景与方法路径：将女性解放与政治解放相结合,一方面使前者依附于后者,另一方面,女性解放并非处于完全被动的局面,二者之间形成的良性互动使农村妇女的革命动员顺利实现。     

恩格斯晚年对科学社会主义理论的重要贡献

恩格斯在马克思逝世后特别是在19世纪90年代后,丰富和发展了科学社会主义理论。这表现为他研究俄国革命运动与西方革命的关系,提出世界革命进程"四步骤"的理论;研究意大利、法国、德国的阶级关系和革命形势,提出把当前斗争和远大目标统一起来的理论;研究1848年以来无产阶级斗争的方式,形成以合法斗争积蓄力量并进行革命"决战"的理论。     

专项治理的实施效果与法治前景——基于安镇脱贫攻坚行动的实证考察

打赢脱贫攻坚战为我国如期实现全面建成小康社会目标的关键一环,是助推基层社会治理体系和治理能力现代化的重要抓手和载体。然在具体实践过程中,基层政府因对"专项治理"政策工具的特性洞鉴尚浅,实证背景研判不足,未能恰当处理"专项"与"常规"政策工具之间以及政策工具与治理目标之间的关系,进而使政策工具在基层社会复杂应用环境中"空转",导致治理效果不理想。基于以上问题及困境,以安镇脱贫攻坚行动为研究对象,在深度剖析两大政策工具之理论及实践逻辑基础上,全局把握科学革命的齿轮状特点与终极导向。并据此分析传统专项治理作为科学革命的重要范式,在脱贫攻坚战中发挥着营造环境、整合资源、利益驱动、权力生产、全面治理等正向作用,同时也存在"目标置换""精英俘获""临时应对"等局限性一面。因此,在总结科学革命经验基础上尝试性提出新的常规科学建立的理想模型,以期不断创新与完善中国基层治理法治化路径。     

从管理革命勃兴看劳资关系走向

研究把握劳资关系发展规律趋势,对建设市场化劳动关系具有重要意义。鉴于社会是个有机体,对劳资关系的研究把握可从多角度展开,使我们更完整清晰地看出,在生产力发展基础上社会合力产生出的必然性。从企业管理关系的持续发展变化,可以探寻劳资关系发展趋势的动因、方式和取向。     

Perfect Failure: the USA,Cuba and the Bay of Pigs, 1961

In 1961 the US Central Intelligence Agency master‐minded a sea‐borne invasion by Cuban exiles aimed at overthrowing the regime headed by Fidel Castro. With minimal logistical support from the USA the attempted counter‐coup launched at the Bay of Pigs was an unqualified disaster: a ‘perfect failure’, in the words of an authoritative contemporary. This essay locates the fiasco in the longer history of US–Cuban relations, concentrating on the Cold War years, the history of US political intervention and subversion in Latin America, and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista and the rise of Castro himself—both men offering different models of Latin American caudillismo (the power and cult of military strongmen). The essay concludes with an analysis of Cuba as an issue in US domestic politics and the impact of the Bay of Pigs in consolidating the Cuban revolution and setting the framework for the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962.     

毛泽东对马克思主义阶级斗争、社会政治革命和国家学说的主要贡献——以新民主主义革命时期和建国初期为中心的考察

毛泽东关于阶级斗争的理论大体分为明显相关的三个不同层次,即阶级和阶级斗争的观点,阶级分析的方法和阶级斗争的策略。阶级斗争的观点是这一理论的精神内核,阶级分析的方法是这一理论向"实物"形态转化过渡的中间环节,阶级理论具体化为实践理性的表现形态。这种多层次理论结构使毛泽东的阶级斗争理论具有独特丰富的内涵。新民主主义革命的辉煌胜利本身已证明了毛泽东阶级和阶级斗争观点的深刻性,阶级分析方法的有效性和阶级斗争策略的正确性。毛泽东谈论社会革命、中国革命往往将其与革命战争维系在一起,对政治革命的具体形式作了具体分析。毛泽东以马列主义国家学说为思想指南,严谨地指明了中国革命将以建立何种国家制度为最后归宿。中国革命胜利后所建立的人民民主专政的政权形式和人民代表大会的政治体制是中国社会历史上迄今为止最新最进步的政治形式。它一方面是对苏联无产阶级专政的国家政权和苏维埃代表大会的政治体制的借鉴,另一方面又是把握中国具体国情进行的一种政治创造,是毛泽东运用马列主义的政治理论和国家理论于中国社会的一个巨大成功。     

马克思对“国家帮助论”的批驳及其启示

在《哥达纲领批判》中,马克思对"自由国家"、"铁的工资规律"、"由国家帮助建立生产合作社"等说辞逐一进行了批驳,指出了"国家帮助论"维护资产阶级统治、消磨无产阶级革命斗志"的拉萨尔主义的理论本质。这一檄文启示我们:在阶级社会,尤其是在资本主义社会,无产阶级只有通过自发的暴力革命才能真正实现无产阶级专政,实现自身解放,除此,别无他途。