我国监狱警戒度分类研究

随着世界行刑制度的不断发展和完善,以及我国加入WTO组织后,对监狱行刑法制化、规范化和专业化的严格要求,我国在监狱分类制度方面进一步改革,结合国情、监情和犯情,确立以警戒度为标准的监狱分类制度,达到依法治监的目的,促进监狱规范运行,顺应监狱行刑的世界潮流。     

State-led violence in Ukraine’s 2004 elections and orange revolution

The Ukrainian opposition faced one of the greatest degrees of state-backed violence in the second wave of democratization of post-communist states with only Serbia experiencing similar cases of assassinations and repression of the youth Otpor NGO. In the 2004 Ukrainian elections the opposition maintained a strategy of non-violence over the longest protest period of 17 days but was prepared to use force if it had been attacked. The regime attempted to suppress the Orange Revolution using security forces. Covert and overt Russian external support was extensive and in the case of Ukraine and Georgia the European Union (EU) did not intervene with a membership offer that had the effect of emboldening the opposition in Central-Eastern Europe. This article surveys five state-backed violent strategies used in Ukraine’s 2004 elections: inciting regional and inter-ethnic conflict, assassinations, violence against the opposition, counter-revolution and use of the security forces. The article does not cover external Russian-backed violence in the 2004 elections unique to Ukraine that the author has covered elsewhere.     

Policy capacity and rise of data-based policy innovation labs

In scarcely a decade, a “labification” phenomenon has taken hold globally. The search for innovative policy solutions for social problems is embedded within scientific experimental-like structures often referred to as policy innovation labs (PILs). With the rapid technological changes (e.g., big data, artificial intelligence), data-based PILs have emerged. Despite the growing importance of these PILs in the policy process, very little is known about them and how they contribute to policy outcomes. This study analyzes 133 data-based PILs and examines their contribution to policy capacity. We adopt policy capacity framework to investigate how data-based PILs contribute to enhancing analytical, organization, and political policy capacity. Many data-based PILs are located in Western Europe and North America, initiated by governments, and employ multi-domain administrative data with advanced technologies. Our analysis finds that data-based PILs enhance analytical and operational policy capacity at the individual, organizational and systemic levels but do little to enhance political capacity. It is this deficit that we suggest possible strategies for data-based PILs.     

再论“两个必然”和“两个决不会”的关系

我国的革命是分两步走的,第一步是新民主主义革命,第二步是社会主义革命。社会主义革命是以社会主义改造的和平方式进行的,要正确认识和总结我国社会主义改造的历史过程和历史经验。马克思讲的"两个必然"和"两个决不会"原理是紧密相连、不可分割的。"两个必然"原理揭示了资本主义必然被社会主义所代替的规律,"两个决不会"原理说明了在什么样的条件下社会主义才能代替资本主义。马克思、恩格斯始终没有提出过落后国家可能首先取得社会主义革命胜利的思想。他们虽然设想俄国农村公社有可能不经过资本主义发展阶段而直接实现社会主义,但那是以西欧无产阶级革命首先取得胜利为先决条件的。列宁虽然提出了社会主义革命可能在一国或几国首先发生并取得胜利的思想,但他并不认为这是社会主义革命的一般规律,并且认为十月革命的胜利是在特定历史条件下取得的。     

Command and control at work: the evolution of the rules of work on Mexican railroads, 1883–1923

Abstract

This article examines the evolution of written work rules on the railroads in Mexico from 1883 to 1923, looking at three sets of work rules from the Porfiriato and three from the Revolution. Just as foreign investors, British and American, and foreign skilled workers, mostly American, played an important role in the establishment of Mexico’s first railroad companies, these same foreign businesses brought their written rule books, necessary for the impersonal management of labor in companies with large, diverse, and a far-flung labor force like the railroads, to Mexico. The first rules are often Spanish translations of the English-language originals and paid no attention to the workers’ opinions. Through the Porfiriato, however, Mexican railroad workers unionized, in part following the pattern of the American Brotherhoods, and their unions, through labor activism and strikes, fought to transform work rules from company commands to negotiated terrain, with some success before the Revolution broke out. When the Revolution did break out, however, it radically transformed the terrain of work rules, first because railroad companies, even before they collapsed in the face of revolutionary violence, lost the support of the state that they so needed to impose their work rules, and second, because the new state that emerged from the Revolution allied with organized workers to provide them with many of their revolutionary demands: legal trade unions, mandated work benefits, and collective bargaining. Thus, newly powerful railroad unions through strikes and activism and in alliance with the new state made work rules not only negotiated terrain between companies and workers, but terrain in which workers and their unions held the upper hand. As a consequence, the work rules of 1923, where unions are powerful and impose significant benefits to workers, bear little resemblance to those of 1883, where unions are not recognized by the companies, which felt no obligation to provide any benefits at all.     

A stolen revolution: popular class mobilisation in Burkina Faso

ABSTRACT

The political history of Burkina Faso since the formal end of its colonisation is characterised by vibrant mass mobilisation by largely Marxist-oriented labour unions and their allies, namely organisations from the human rights, student, and youth movements. This article traces the development of social mobilisation and protest in Burkina Faso through six historical phases since 1960, including the recent regime change in 2014 that has frequently been referred to as a ‘revolution’. It is argued that the relative success of mass mobilisation in Burkina Faso can be explained through the concept of the unity of the popular classes, building on the basic idea that organised labour and other segments of exploited classes are not distinct from one another.

Abbreviations: ANEB: Association Nationale des Etudiants Burkinabé; CCVC: Coalition nationale de lutte Contre la Vie Chère, la corruption, la fraude, l’impunité et pour les libertés; CDAIP: Coordination des comités de Défense et d’Approfondissement des acquis de l’Insurrection Populaire; CDP: Congrès pour la Démocratie et le Progrès; CDR: Comités de Défense de la Révolution; CGT-B: Confédération Générale du Travail du Burkina; CBTB: Confédération Nationale des Travailleurs du Burkina; CSB: Confédération Syndicale Burkinabé; FO-UNSL: Force Ouvrière – Union Nationale des Syndicats Libres; MBDHP: Mouvement Burkinabé des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples; MPP: Mouvement du Peuple pour le Progrès; ODJ: Organisation Démocratique de la Jeunesse du Burkina Faso; ONSL: Organisation Nationale des Syndicats Libres; PAI: Parti Africain de l’Indépendance; PCRV: Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire Voltaïque; RSP: Régiment de Sécurité Présidentielle; UAS: Unité d’Action Syndicale; UGEB: Union Générale des Etudiants Burkinabé; UNIR/PS: Union pour la Renaissance/Parti Sankariste; UNSTB: Union Syndicale des Travailleurs du Burkina Faso     

Archives,genealogies and narratives in women workers’ education

ABSTRACT

In this paper I look back at my research of writing a genealogy of women workers’ education and I map methodological moves and strategies that I have deployed in the process. While there is a rich body of literature around genealogical histories little has been written about a genealogical approach to archival work. It is precisely in the lacuna of how to do archival research from the situated position of a feminist genealogist that I look at three interrelated methodological and epistemological planes: (a) living and re-imagining the archive; (b) working with the possibilities and limitations of archival technologies of the self and (c) considering the visual turn in the era of the digital revolution. While I perceive archival research as a process, I also take the archive as an event, marking discontinuities and ruptures in our modes of analysis and interpretation.     

Culture and revolution: Bakhtin,Mayakovsky and Lenin (disalienation as [social] creativity)

Abstract

The article shows the dialectic of the relationship of revolution and culture as two sides of creativity - social and art. In a dialogue with the philosophy of Mikhail Bakhtin, the authors reveal culture as the removal of alienation (disalienation) in the process of subject-subjective dialogue, in which a qualitatively new reality is created – Truth, Beauty, Good, a new person is born - a man-creator, and as such, culture is revolutionary. The second side of this connection - the revolution as a culture - is revealed by the authors on the example of the social creativity of revolutionary Russia, the poet of which was Vladimir Mayakovsky. The article gives a panorama of the historical practices of art and social creativity of the 1920s. The authors show that the counterpoint to these practices was the relationship of conformism, bureaucracy and other forms of social alienation which led the Soviet project to the dead end. The authors conclude that disalienation in the social and cultural spheres is possible only to the extent that the sociopolitical revolutionary changes are carried out in unity with the liberation of the cultural potential of the masses, and art creativity is interfaced (united) with social creativity.     

社会主义革命时期毛泽东对央地关系的探索及启示

社会主义革命时期,毛泽东高度重视中央和地方关系,他对正确处理中央和地方关系的探索经历了三个重要阶段:新中国成立初期,毛泽东根据中国各地经济社会发展不平衡的现实条件,提出了统一与因地制宜相结合的原则,促进了国家整合、政权巩固和经济恢复;社会主义改造开始时,他主张学习苏联,进一步加强中央权力;社会主义改造后期,针对经济建设当中出现的诸多问题,他开始反思高度集中的领导体制,倡导放权给地方,发挥中央和地方两个积极性。毛泽东对中央和地方关系的处理,既表现出了较强的灵活性,又坚持了基本的政治原则,并注重学习借鉴外国的经验教训。他在探索中形成的实践经验和理论认识对于当代中国的国家治理具有重要的启示意义。     

革命地方实践与妇女解放问题:兼评丛小平《革命中国的婚姻、法律与性别,1940-1960》

1939年《陕甘宁边区婚姻条例》颁布后,边区法院做出了系列司法修改和调整。丛小平的近期研究《革命中国的婚姻、法律与性别,1940-1960》详细考察了这一过程及其背景和影响。她指出,边区政府在施行婚姻法改革的过程中积极考量、吸纳了地方风俗和司法实践经验,出现了从婚姻"自由"到"自主"的核心法制理念的变化。这一立法司法建制过程体现了中共革命"从群众中来、到群众中去"的根本路线,激发并肯定了农村妇女的"自主"能动性,并没有背弃其妇女解放的承诺。这一研究回应和修正了20世纪80年代英文学界关于社会主义革命和妇女解放的主流观点,体现了新世纪以来中外学界关于社会主义革命和妇女解放问题研究的新趋势,具有鲜明的方法论意义。