全文获取类型
收费全文 | 560篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 60篇 |
工人农民 | 12篇 |
世界政治 | 47篇 |
外交国际关系 | 60篇 |
法律 | 110篇 |
中国共产党 | 16篇 |
中国政治 | 66篇 |
政治理论 | 79篇 |
综合类 | 128篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 22篇 |
2018年 | 23篇 |
2017年 | 26篇 |
2016年 | 22篇 |
2015年 | 19篇 |
2014年 | 29篇 |
2013年 | 71篇 |
2012年 | 48篇 |
2011年 | 26篇 |
2010年 | 32篇 |
2009年 | 24篇 |
2008年 | 28篇 |
2007年 | 25篇 |
2006年 | 22篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 28篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 26篇 |
2001年 | 17篇 |
2000年 | 12篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有578条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
This article examines to what extent transparency is a condition for the creation of public value. Transparency is usually narrowly defined as a tool for external stakeholders to monitor the internal workings of an organization, but public value management positions transparency as a broader instrument for actively engaging stakeholders. We investigate empirically whether transparency is indeed necessary to create public value, distinguishing between transparency about operational capacity, authorizing environment, and value proposition. We find that more transparent public organizations achieved higher public value scores, especially if they disclosed information about the design and dynamics of their authorizing environment. 相似文献
22.
在我国农地制度的变迁中,中国共产党始终把农地关系法制化放在调整社会经济关系、促进中国社会进步的重要地位.我国现行农地集体所有,家庭经营的农地制度仍具备小农经济的特质.通观世界,小农经济在欧美较早得到改造,在西方社会改造小农经济的现代化过程中,法制化成为农地制度变迁的最直接最明显的推动力量.我国农地法制化的基本方向是落实科学发展观,进一步完善现行农地法规;保障农地资源与农民的安全,明确界定农地的权利主体. 相似文献
23.
小微企业存在着大量的体面劳动赤字,要构建和谐劳动关系面临着许多现实困境。除了促进劳动法在小微企业的有效实施外,还应该通过财政扶持政策促进小微企业和谐劳动关系的构建。这些具体的财政扶持政策包括就业岗位、工会会费、劳动安全卫生、企业培训、社会保险费的财政补贴政策以及劳动关系规范化管理的财政激励政策。 相似文献
24.
中小企业在市场经济中占有重要的地位。反垄断法通过保护竞争,为中小企业的发展创造一个自由和公平的竞争环境,从而对中小企业的发展起到促进和保护作用。我国《反垄断法》需要在中小企业界定标准、中小企业垄断协议豁免的监督制度和反垄断集团诉讼制度等方面加以完善,以更好地维护中小企业的合法权益,推动市场经济的健康有序发展。 相似文献
25.
This paper aims to provide a coherent analysis of the economic impact accession to the Eurasian Economic Union has had on the economies of current member states and what affect membership would have on the economy of Azerbaijan. By applying a Linear Regression Model we find that membership to this regional bloc has yielded minimal financial benefits for the existing members. However, for most states, accession has increased the trade deficit with Russia and that a membership would likely produce a similar negative outcome for Azerbaijan in addition to undermining national economic and energy policy making. 相似文献
26.
Jasmin Lorch 《Journal of Civil Society》2017,13(2):184-201
As of yet, civil society support for military coups has hardly been investigated in depth. This article compares the attempted military coup in 2006 against Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, which received support from prominent civil society leaders, to the collaboration between civil society actors and the military-backed Caretaker Government that ruled Bangladesh from 2007 to 2008. It argues that in both cases, civil society support for military intervention can be traced to the weakness of the state. 相似文献
27.
Zeger Van der Wal 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2017,40(5):443-458
This article compares strategic public sector HRM practices between 10 small countries that have consistently shown extraordinary economic, social, and governance performance. The fact that these small countries, which are traditionally considered to be disadvantaged, have become benchmarks of good government suggests they have uniquely maximized and leveraged their key resource: people. In search of novel lessons, we assess through secondary data how their public sectors have organized and institutionalized four key HRM activities: 1) selection, 2) appraisal, 3) training, and 4) compensation, and whether they engage in strategic, centralized efforts to architect and “bundle” these activities. Our exploratory case study findings show that these high performing countries employ various integrated efforts to attract the best and brightest into their public sectors, and train and reward them well, although they differ in terms of their centralization dynamics. We conclude our article with seven propositions for future research and implications for emerging small countries. 相似文献
28.
Robin Thiers 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(2):337-357
Global production network (GPN) analysts argue that workers actively contribute to the shaping of GPNs through different forms of agency. In this contribution I extend this argument to the tactical agency of small producers. By focusing on the phenomenon of side-selling among Filipino banana contract farmers, I show that these tactics have contributed to the emergence of alternative trade networks that undermined traditional lead firm behaviour and inspired new struggles over chain governance. However, as a diverse and ambiguous group of growers engages in this tactical agency, predominantly as small capital, they also contribute to the continuation of broader dynamics of capital accumulation and labour exploitation. 相似文献
29.
Isabel Rocha De Siqueira 《Third world quarterly》2014,35(2):268-283
Indicators are currently being widely used in international policy making to substantiate analyses and justify decisions on the basis of their alleged scientific objectivity. This article analyses the role of indicators and statistics in the labelling and managing of ‘fragile states’, examining the powerful consequences of these classifications but also discussing the untraceable nature of numbers and the difficulties in attributing ownership of numerical claims and assigning responsibility for their many unforeseen impacts. Focusing on the education sector in Timor-Leste and on the World Bank’s Country Policy and Institutional Assessment (cpia) programme, the article shows how accountability and ownership are negotiated within the context of the g7+ group of self-labelled ‘fragile states’, encouraging an examination of the power relations involved. 相似文献
30.
大民主和小民主是民主的两种形式,毛泽东晚年多次谈到大民主和小民主的问题。在大民主方面,毛泽东认为,就是无产阶级领导下对敌人和官僚主义者实行专政的轰轰烈烈的群众运动,其主要形式是“四大”。在小民主方面,毛泽东认为,就是和风细雨地处理人民内部和党内问题,其主要形式是整风。大民主和小民主思想的目的是:反对官僚主义,防止和平演变,保持人民政权的纯洁性。但在实践中,大民主的恶果是:造成了整个社会的混乱,必定与个人崇拜、个人专断相呼应,使广大人民的民主权利受到严重摧残。 相似文献