首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   309篇
  免费   5篇
各国政治   5篇
工人农民   20篇
世界政治   6篇
外交国际关系   12篇
法律   50篇
中国共产党   7篇
中国政治   53篇
政治理论   25篇
综合类   136篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   1篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   6篇
  2016年   1篇
  2015年   2篇
  2014年   16篇
  2013年   30篇
  2012年   12篇
  2011年   26篇
  2010年   12篇
  2009年   22篇
  2008年   28篇
  2007年   26篇
  2006年   26篇
  2005年   23篇
  2004年   23篇
  2003年   19篇
  2002年   14篇
  2001年   4篇
  2000年   5篇
  1992年   1篇
排序方式: 共有314条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
This paper combines two recent developments in just world research: the conception of belief in a just world (BJW) as a resource for coping and well-being in everyday life, and the distinction between two different facets of BJW, namely belief in immanent justice (BIJ) and belief in ultimate justice (BUJ). Moreover, these two aspects are adapted to the school context and educational psychology. Scales for measuring ultimate and immanent justice in schools were developed within a German pilot reform project with a sample of 1274 pupils. The two facets could be distinguished by means of factor analysis. The reliability of the two scales is satisfactory, and their validity is confirmed by their differential correlational patterns. Results show that not every form of BJW automatically functions as a coping resource. In fact, only BUJ is able to protect pupils' mental well-being, whereas immanent justice can actually jeopardize well-being. Similarly, BUJ is associated with the perception of solidarity and learning enjoyment in class, whereas BIJ is more closely associated with the experience of rivalry and competition in class. Finally, the socialization of the two justice beliefs is considered. The cross-sectional data provide some evidence to suggest that friendly and supportive parenting styles can promote BUJ, whereas strict parenting styles may further BIJ. More longitudinal research is needed to obtain further insights into these phenomena.  相似文献   
32.
韩李云 《中国发展》2008,8(3):29-34
政治社会化的代际特征既有其普遍性也有特定的变化,自觉认识和处理社会环境对政治社会化代际特征的影响,是既定共同体坚定人们对政治体系的认同和信心、以及维持相应制度的合法性支持和运作实效的必需。在社会环境的影响下,当前高校学生政治社会化存在的问题,主要体现为政治价值取向的功利化、政治认同的模糊化、以及政治参与的冷漠化。  相似文献   
33.
《丹麦刑事执行法》内容全面而系统,操作性强,蕴涵人权保护、行刑社会化等法制理念,自2000年颁布施行以来,对该国刑事执行工作的良性运作发挥了重大作用。虽然我国与丹麦在政治制度、历史文化传统等方面存在差异,但他山之石,可以攻玉,对《丹麦刑事执行法》的统一立法体例、先进的执行理念以及对罪犯权利的保障等制度规则的研究与探索,对我国刑事执行立法具有重要意义。  相似文献   
34.
改造罪犯是一项复杂的社会工程 ,提高改造质量必须走罪犯改造工作社会化的道路。要实现罪犯改造工作社会化 ,就要树立“宗旨意识”等四种意识 ;处理好“罪犯改造工作社会化与监管安全之间的关系”等三个关系 ;做好“整个社会力量”等五方面工作  相似文献   
35.
犯罪原因论、刑罚的负面影响以及当前改造工作以提高改造质量为中心的高标准都决定了行刑工作必须社会化.然而,现阶段行刑社会化呈明显的滞后现象,其成因主要来自社会、罪犯亲属、罪犯自身和监狱等方面.因此,必须树立行刑社会化思想,加大宣传力度,建立行刑社会化运行机制,消除自由刑的缺陷.  相似文献   
36.
在现代化、国际化的社会条件下,人和人的关系出现一些新的特点;生活方式有很多的不同,呈现一种多元化趋势;社区机构在不断适应变化做出新的调整;家庭、邻里、同事等等关系也都在变化;这是一个动态的系统。为此,我们必须学习国外社区工作的经验,同时要根据我国的国情,建立起具有本土化特色的新型社区。  相似文献   
37.
化学品是现代文明社会重要的物质基础,被广泛应用于各个领域.全球化学品产量从1930年的100万吨发展到今天的4亿吨.作为化学品生产和使用的大国,我国市场上流通的化学品数以万计,但是针对现有化学品的环境管理尚处于落后阶段.本文针对我国化学品生产使用与立法管理相脱节的情况,分析了我国现有化学品环境管理立法的必要性和可行性,提出了立法的指导思想和框架,并给出了具体的制度设计,以期使我国现有化学品环境管理尽早实现有法可依,从而达到保护公民身体健康和促进环境无毒的目的.  相似文献   
38.
罪犯改造质量是具有重要理论和实践意义的概念,但其深厚的内涵直到目前尚未得到充分发掘。有关研究对其的现有定义较为偏狭。本文在批判前人定义的基础上,从社会的宽广视角出发认识犯罪和罪犯,进而提出罪犯改造质量的新定义。  相似文献   
39.
《Women & Criminal Justice》2013,23(3-4):59-79
Abstract

After an accidental shooting at a police training academy, outcomes of the class involved (n = 45) were compared with those of several comparison classes (n = 154) immediately and one year later. Results revealed a modest impact, but an increase in PTSD symptomology was observed from academy training to the one-year follow-up. Recruits in the affected class demonstrated more prejudicial attitudes toward women in law enforcement, perhaps because the shooter was a woman. The findings suggest that mistakes made by women within law enforcement may be generalized as stereotypes, and that further research is needed on the psychological impact of becoming a police officer.  相似文献   
40.
This paper examines the possibility that the United States could ‘capture’ the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and use it to impose America's economic agenda on the region. It discusses Washington's ability to shape the choices of APEC's East Asian members at APEC negotiations to reflect US interests through employing its military, economic, cultural, and ideological resources as instruments of leverage and influence. While interdependence constrains Washington's use of military and/or economic leverage to influence the choices of APEC's East Asian members, the complex bargaining and consensual decision‐making features of APEC further prevent Washington from imposing its agenda on APEC. On the other hand, Washington's capture of APEC could be facilitated if East Asian policy‐making elites were socialized through the APEC process to accept American norms. This would tend to lead to preference convergence since the values of both the US and East Asia would coincide. The analysis suggests, however, that American norms are unlikely to prevail within APEC in the near to medium term primarily because APEC's East Asian members consider East Asian norms to be superior. American culture and especially ideology are not sufficiently attractive to East Asian elites and are thus unable to be used as instruments of influence. For these reasons, the paper concludes that the United States will find it difficult to impose its economic agenda on the region through APEC.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号