The changing political economy of Taiwan‐Southeast Asia relations

This paper examines the possibility that the United States could ‘capture’ the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and use it to impose America's economic agenda on the region. It discusses Washington's ability to shape the choices of APEC's East Asian members at APEC negotiations to reflect US interests through employing its military, economic, cultural, and ideological resources as instruments of leverage and influence. While interdependence constrains Washington's use of military and/or economic leverage to influence the choices of APEC's East Asian members, the complex bargaining and consensual decision‐making features of APEC further prevent Washington from imposing its agenda on APEC. On the other hand, Washington's capture of APEC could be facilitated if East Asian policy‐making elites were socialized through the APEC process to accept American norms. This would tend to lead to preference convergence since the values of both the US and East Asia would coincide. The analysis suggests, however, that American norms are unlikely to prevail within APEC in the near to medium term primarily because APEC's East Asian members consider East Asian norms to be superior. American culture and especially ideology are not sufficiently attractive to East Asian elites and are thus unable to be used as instruments of influence. For these reasons, the paper concludes that the United States will find it difficult to impose its economic agenda on the region through APEC.     

China’s international socialization of Caribbean state-society complexes: Trinidad and Tobago as a case study

ABSTRACT

Using the case study of Trinidad and Tobago, this article analyzes the process of reciprocal international socialization that allows Beijing to construct a cognitive and normative space conducive to a new regional order in the Caribbean which should be politically friendly, economically profitable, and socially open to its government, companies, and citizens. We argue that there has been a shift in the identity of Trinidad’s state-society complex due to the influence of China’s very visible political, economic, and social conditionalities. Their impact on political elites (which is reflected in government discourse and actions) and on the society at large (as shown by interviews with 30 Trinidadian nationals) is analyzed in order to show that Type I, ‘role playing’ socialization has been reached. However, frustration within Trinidad’s society with the domestic effects of China’s economic and social conditionalities clearly limits the potential for the evolution toward the more advanced Type II socialization exemplified, in the same region, by the Soviet-Cuban relationship. This suggests that, at least in the near future, key features of the Chinese approach incompatible with its self-proclaimed win-win nature will prevent Beijing from upgrading its status to that of a decisive socializer in the Caribbean.     

When Private Talk Becomes Public Political Expression: Examining a Practice-Field Hypothesis of Youth Political Development

Previous research indicates the importance of interpersonal communication in the political socialization process. Investigations of political talk have mostly been restricted to frequency, and the theorizing of its effects centered on cognitive outcomes such as knowledge and ideological identification. This study examined the part played by private political talk in promoting expressive forms of political participation among adolescents. Recent survey panel data from Swedish 13–18-year-olds were analyzed. Results showed that frequency of private political talk predicted the extent of public political expression even when self-selection and previous levels of political expression were accounted for. Data offered some support for an expected interaction of private political talk and political interest in predicting public expression. The overall findings are consistent with the theoretical idea that political talk offers adolescents opportunities to enact participation in safe settings, and that this is a mechanism that can explain why talking about politics is favorable for political development during adolescence.     

国家法难行之源：国家主义抑或人本主义——从“依法收贷案”切入

以前有关“依法收贷案”的研究文章都认为这里的“法”就是“现行国家法”,但对此案细致分析发现并非如此,而是“王法”即中国传统法。中国国家法自古至今有一种严重的国家主义倾向（而今表现为一种现代化倾向）,缺乏一种现代法律所需要的人本主义精神因素,因此,国家法只得到了国家外部力量的推动,缺乏内部力量的驱动,其社会化动力不足。其社会化程度远低于中国传统的“法”与“德”,最终被“王法”置换,为中国传统的“德”所打败。     

住房社会保障制度基本原则研究

住房社会保障事关民生,是现代社会保障立法的起点和归宿。构建住房社会保障制度应确立住房保障权本位原则、保障主（客）体的特殊性原则、保障机制的社会化原则、保障水平的适度性原则和权责协调原则。     

改革开放30年来我国青少年游戏活动的发展变化——从手工玩具到高科技电子游戏

改革开放30年来我国青少年的玩具种类由手工制作发展到高科技控制,青少年的游戏活动以户外活动、集体活动为主发展为以室内活动、个人活动为主。体现了30年来社会经济的发展进步,也塑造了青少年成长的不同特点。当代青少年的物质生活丰富,知识面广博,然而由于过于追求个性独立,其团结协作、人际交往能力和过去相比有所减弱。     

数字经济下的生产社会化与企业分工协作:演进与特性

数字经济是以数字化原料为劳动对象,利用数字化劳动资料进行生产活动的经济形式,在此基础上,数字技术经由企业分工协作体系的重塑推动着生产社会化的发展。依据马克思主义政治经济学原理,以企业分工协作为切入点,通过剖析企业间网络化分工协作和企业内部数字劳动过程,可发现并阐明数字经济下生产社会化中的最新进展及其双刃剑特性。该性质表明:数字经济既可以推动生产活动向社会化方向发展而代表更先进生产力,同时也会激化企业分工与社会分工、生产社会化与生产资料私人占有之间的矛盾。由此表明,数字经济下的生产社会化演进必将呈现出企业分工代替社会分工,以及所有制形式由生产资料私有制向公有制形式转变的发展趋势。     

独生女的婚恋状况究竟如何?--对现有研究结果的几点思考

现有研究中关于异性别成长、同性别成长、单性别成长的视角具有很好的启发意义。但研究者关于三种性别男性不存在差别现象的理论解释尚不能让人信服;对于独生女与异性别成长女性之间存在显著差异的结果及其理论解释,则有可能因为缺乏对实际存在且与研究假设密切相关的城乡变量、文化程度变量的控制而形成错误。真正导致独生女与另两类女性之间出现差异的原因或许并不是性别,而是城乡背景、文化程度和有无兄弟姐妹。此外,研究者的价值观不应成为对调查结果进行解释的出发点,也不能成为其判断客观现实“是什么”和“为什么”的标准。     

生物学视野中的个体社会化

作为个体生命成长和参与社会进程的基础的物质性存在的生物及生物学因素，在社会化进程中，始终是一个积极地参与和建设，并且在一定的时期和场合发挥着关键的作用。在一定意义上，生物进化本身也是与社会的、化的因素交错关联的，在这种互动的过程中对个体的社会行为、人知和人格形成产生重要的作用。     

家庭教养方式研究进程透视

家庭教养方式是儿童社会化的重要因素，受到国内外心理学家的重视。该文综述了中外心理学家在儿童社会化研究中对家庭教养方式研究的成果，概括了近20年来，中国学者在家庭教养方式研究中呈现的诸如教养方式与儿童社会关系的探讨从宏观系统走向微观、具体，进一步探究教养方式的内在结构，尝试从更多方面寻找教养方式的影响因素等特点。家庭教养方式研究成果的取得，受到三方面因素的推动，首先，它与人类对自身探究的好奇心分不开。其次，它与儿童发展观念及理论的进展所产生的影响分不开。再次，它与心理学研究的现场化，研究手段的综合化、数学化所带来的影响分不开。