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41.
目的分析稳态条件(例如,无制动)下国内车辆EDR碰前车速的可信度,为EDR碰前车速的应用提供参考。方法在国外研究结论的基础上,选取国内1起既有EDR数据又有监控视频的实际案例,利用监控视频计算所得车速为参考值,分析事故车辆稳态行驶时EDR车速的可信度,并结合EDR车速的来源对其进一步分析。结果根据国外文献研究结果可知,车辆稳态行驶时EDR车速的相对误差在±4%以内。通过国内1起实例的分析,显示稳态行驶车速为120 km/h,EDR记录的碰前车速相对误差为3.886%。结论结合EDR车速来源的分析表明,稳态条件下,国内车辆EDR记录的碰前车速同样具有很好的可信度,可有效应用到相关的车速重建中。 相似文献
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ABSTRACTDemocracy and the welfare state are two of the most extensively studied concepts and themes in the field of comparative politics. Debate about how to best measure the two concepts has failed to contemplate the extent to which political and social rights are uniformly present across distinct regions of the national territory, despite the presence of substantial subnational research that underscores wide variation inside countries. We argue that this omission hampers our understanding of the two phenomena and we propose a new measure of democracy and healthcare universalism, which we call the Adjusted Measures of Democracy and Welfare Universalism. The new measures integrate territorial inequality into existing national-level indicators, providing a more accurate picture of country performance and opening the door to new, multi-level theory building. 相似文献
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AbstractThe goal of this special issue is to highlight the importance of unconventional social policies, theorize their development in comparison with traditional welfare state accounts and outline a new research agenda. In this introduction to the special issue, the editors present the concept of social policy by other means as encompassing two kinds of unconventional social policy (from the point of view of mainstream comparative research): First, functional equivalents to formal systems of social protection and, second, non-state provision of benefits. The concept builds upon a sizeable, but fragmented literature in comparative welfare state research. While numerous examples demonstrate that social policy by other means is more pervasive in both OECD and non-OECD countries than often acknowledged, a brief survey of the top 20 articles in the field reveals that this fact is not sufficiently reflected in the academic literature. With reference to both existing studies and the contributions to this special issue, the editors go on to explore (1) the different forms of social policy by other means, (2) explanatory theories and (3) their effectiveness in terms of social outcomes. They close by outlining a research agenda. 相似文献
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AbstractHousing has important economic, political, and social ramifications for Western Europe and beyond. Despite its importance in shaping economic and political outcomes, however, housing remains in the peripheral vision of major comparative political economy debates. This introduction to the special issue accomplishes four objectives. First it demonstrates how housing defies current political economy typologies by failing to conform to their theoretical and empirical predictions. Second it summarises the current state of housing research within political science, which still remains in its infancy. Third it highlights how the contributions in this special issue expand our understanding of how housing causes and is shaped by political and economic outcomes in Europe. Finally, this introduction concludes by outlining how the special issue contributions demonstrate housing’s importance for the welfare state, political preferences and electoral shifts, regulatory and redistributive policies, and financialisation and household indebtedness in Europe. 相似文献
45.
历史上盛行国家无不法行为能力理论,据此国家不对其公务员履行职务时的侵权行为承担责任,公务员要自己承担赔偿责任。随着法治国家观念的确立,国家开始代替其公务员向受害人承担赔偿责任,即所谓的代位责任。也有国家确立了国家的直接赔偿责任,即自己责任。但无一例外,国家的赔偿义务均建立在民法基础上,以全额赔偿为原则。我国国家赔偿制度确立了独一无二的"个人不赔,国家不全赔"的赔偿模式,偏离了赔偿法所固有的民法属性,无法良好保护受害人。而其根源则在于欠缺对国家赔偿责任的历史与本质的全面理解。有鉴于此,应尽快修订《国家赔偿法》,确立国家的全额赔偿责任,更好地服务法治国家的建设。 相似文献
46.
李单单 《北京政法职业学院学报》2016,(2):100-105
“国家自主性”是20世纪70年代以来兴起的概念,它表明国家重新进入政治研究的核心视野中。西达?斯考契波(Theda Skocpol)的国家自主性理论是在对非马克思主义国家观、马克思主义国家观以及新马克思主义国家观批判的基础上来进行构建的。其以现实主义、结构主义和历史主义的视角,在宏观层面剖析出国家的强制性特征、国家利益以及国家能力等要素,从而证明国家具有“潜在自主性”。斯考契波打破了传统国家研究的社会中心主义视角,将国家作为自主实体的研究推向了新的高度。 相似文献
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建国初期,新中国面临复杂形势和严峻局面,中国共产党率领中国人民在废除国民党《六法全书》以后,在法律不完备的情况下,创造性通过"运动治国""社论治国"的方式,用指示、规定和命令等政策、媒体和法治的方法,管理和治理国家,形成独特的管理国家的规律,为当下推进国家治理体系和治理能力的现代化,提供有益的借鉴。 相似文献
50.
Michael Aagaard Seeberg 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2017,55(1):1-21
Research on autocracies has gained new momentum in the last decade. One element of this research is the observation that some autocracies are characterised by structural conditions that are normally conducive for democracy. These ‘anomalous autocracies’ have high levels of socioeconomic development and democratic neighbour countries. The study of these cases might expose factors that are decisive for autocratic stability and studying them might give us a better understanding of barriers towards democratisation. This paper contributes to the growing literature on autocracies by mapping anomalous autocracies during the third wave of democratisation, thereby paving the way for systematic case selection in future studies. A large-N analysis of 159 cases (1975–2008) identifies Belarus, Chile, China, Cuba, Morocco, North Korea, Peru, Singapore, Swaziland, Togo and Zimbabwe. In a second step, the paper lays out a theoretical framework that centres on actors and institutions. Rulers must establish elite–elite and elite–mass interaction, and this papers argues that they can do so through quasi-compliance of elites and the masses based on traditional institutions woven into a dominant party. The paper uses the framework to tentatively examine the resilience of authoritarian rule in Swaziland and Morocco, two most-different anomalous cases. In both cases, an elaborate traditional institution has co-opted government, business and rural elites and coordinated interaction within elite circles and with the masses, in turn enabling the remarkable regime resilience. 相似文献