敦煌归义军赋税制的特点

敦煌归义军政权实行据地出税的政策,其地税主要包括地子、官布、税草和税柴。由于归义军实行请田制度,不仅赋税的征收完全以土地为据,就是部分差科的征发,也以土地为据。赋税主要以乡为单位征收,具体则由“某头”负责。归义军政权的赋税制度既与中原王朝的制度有一致性,也有自己的创造和变通,但在发展趋势上却与中原王朝相一致,由此可以从一个侧面认识唐后期五代宋初经济制度的演变。     

立宪政体中的赋税问题

以赋税问题作为看待财产权与宪政制度之关系的一个切入点 ,通过对财产权在宪政之先的论述 ,提出赋税的合法性问题。当前的财政危机导致对源自民间的赋税的依赖性增强 ,从而凸现出赋税合法性的危机。解决这一危机的方向是继续沿着财产权入宪的思路 ,确立“税收法定”的宪政主义的赋税模式。     

我国内外资企业所得税制比较研究

改革开放以来,为了适应经济体制改革和对外开放的需要,我国现行企业所得税采取按企业内外资性质分别立法,从而导致内外资税收负担差异较大,在一定程度上影响了内资企业的市场竞争力,造成了中央与地方之间财政分配和税收征管模式等方面的矛盾。新形势下,继续采用内外资企业不同的企业所得税制度,将不利于我国经济的进一步发展,当前要抓紧时机实现内外资企业所得税的并轨。     

农村税费改革必须多管齐下--对安徽农村税费改革实践的思考

农村税费改革是中国农村继土地改革、实行家庭承包经营之后的又一项重大改革.农村税费改革,是切实减轻农民负担的治本之策;是增加农民收入,保护农村生产力,促进国民经济持续、快速、健康发展的有效途径;是改善干群关系,维护农村稳定的重要举措.     

税费改革后新农村建设的困境与出路

税费改革以后,我国农村出现了一系列的新情况、新问题,主要是农村公共物品供给困难、基层组织权力弱化、乡村债务无法化解等,它们构成了新农村建设在启动之初不得不面对的困境。在上述困境下,新农村建设的现实出路是重构农村政策体系及其价值,强化基层组织的权力,重构农村公共物品供给机制,为农村提供更多的公共物品。     

关于偷税罪的修改建议

随着我国现代化建设的发展,社会主义市场经济体制的逐步建立,税收在社会政治经济生活中发挥着越来越重要的作用。依法治税,依法打击偷税犯罪,是我国建设法治国家、维护社会稳定、保证经济安全的一个重要方面。关于刑法第二百零一条偷税罪的修改建议,包括偷税行为、偷税罪数额和偷税罪刑罚三个方面。     

论我国资源税征税范围

随着我国经济的快速发展,生产与生活中开发、利用自然资源的程度逐渐加深。相对于国外资源税征税范围,我国资源税征税范围较小,有些自然资源没有纳入资源税的征收范围。本文对自然资源与资源税进行梳理与分析,将资源税与资源费进行对比,提出应该逐渐扩大资源税的征税范围。     

Local Government Capital Spending During and After Recessions: A Cause for Concern?

This article combines literature on cutback management with the results of a survey of county commissioners. Specifically, it focuses on the use of capital spending reductions in county government to cope with fiscal stress and the potential long-term impact of such reductions in response to the limited amount of research on this form of local government. In light of the literature and survey results, it recommends that county governments change their behavior and avoid cuts to their capital budgets due to the long-term costs of delayed maintenance and the opportunity costs incurred by stifling economic development. It also presents policy choices available to many counties that enable them to maintain capital investments, including public–private partnerships and earmarked local option sales taxes. The study concludes with a call for quantitative research on the long-term effects of capital reductions during economic downturns.     

The tax-welfare mix: explaining Japan's weak extractive capacity

Abstract

Despite having the highest level of public debt in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), higher than Greece or Italy, Japan has one of the lowest aggregate tax burdens of the advanced industrial democracies. This paper asks why Japan, once described as a strong developmental state, has had such a weak extractive capacity, an inability to raise revenues to confront deficits and public debt? In contrast to the existing explanations that focus on political institutions, partisan preferences, or economic globalization, this article argues that Japan's ‘tax–welfare mix’ – the combination of taxes and redistributive welfare polices – undermined the state's long-term capacity to secure adequate tax revenue. More than just a source of revenue, taxes can be used directly to achieve redistributive goals, such as targeting low taxes and exemptions to specific groups. This study shows how Japan's tax–welfare mix diminished its extractive capacity through three mechanisms: the political lock-in of a redistributive social bargain struck around low taxes, the timing and sequencing of its tax policy and welfare development, and the erosion of public trust, which undermined tax consent. Beyond offering a new theory of extractive capacity, the tax–welfare mix explains aspects of Japan's tax structure that defy existing explanations and contributes to our understanding of the capitalist development state by highlighting the redistributive political function of tax policy and its long-term impact on state capacity.     

Cooperating Estonians and “exiting” Lithuanians: trust in times of crisis

This article argues that substantial differences in political legitimacy can help explain why Estonia dealt with the recent economic crisis more successfully than Lithuania. In 2009, when the crisis hit hardest, Lithuania saw its budget deficit expand substantially, while Estonia managed to keep the deficit under 3% of GDP and consequently was invited to join the Eurozone, to which it acceded in 2011. The experience of these countries presents an interesting puzzle, as the divergent fiscal performance cannot be attributed to purely economic factors. Both countries have a similar economic structure, and both were similarly affected by the crisis. Furthermore, both pursued similar expenditure and tax policies during the crisis. Based on quantitative and qualitative evidence, it is argued that higher tax compliance and subsequently higher tax revenues can explain the difference. In turn, this compliance gap can be attributed to different levels of trust in political institutions in Estonia and Lithuania.