女性与科学关联探析

女性与科学是研究科学及科学史问题的重要内容。国内外学者近年来,围绕女性与科学发表了大量的文章,本文着重从"人类发展的需要、社会进步和时代发展的需要、女性求知需要、自我实现需要"和"传统科学发展存在偏差、女性有未开发的智力和性别优势、女性有独特的关注内容、研究方法"等女性与科学关联的角度进行剖析,为女性进入科学提供一个新的合理性和内在逻辑可能。     

跨国公司的债务责任承担探析

随着跨国公司在国外设立子公司数量的增多,母公司为实现全球性战略目标而牺牲子公司利益进而损害东道国利益的行为成为了一个经常性的可能与事实。在这种情况发生的时候,若仅根据有限责任原则让子公司独立承担责任显然有违法律和社会的公平与正义。在母公司对子公司的经营管理进行了过度的控制而导致债务发生的时候,让跨国公司的母公司为子公司的债务承担责任具有充分的理由和现实意义。     

Women＇s Oppression in the Family-based Mode of Production： Reading The Main Enemy： A Materialist Analysis of Women＇ s Oppression

克里丝汀·德尔菲在《主要的敌人：女性压迫的唯物主义分析》中，从女性介入的独特生产关系—家庭生产方式中找到了女性受压迫的物质性根源，使对女性问题的分析深深地扎根于历史唯物主义的理论领域，从而在马克思主义与女性主义之间找到了结合点，为解决当时女性主义面临的理论难题，进行了有益的尝试。     

没有灵魂的自由最易迷失--基于女性主义视角对劳伦斯小说中女性形象的解读

戴维·赫伯特·劳伦斯,是20世纪最具争议的英国作家。在他的小说中,有非常多令人印象深刻的女性角色。这些角色塑造的是思想认识各不相同的女性形象,但是却都反映了劳伦斯对于女性的思考。从女性主义的视角对出现在劳伦斯小说中比较有代表性的女性形象进行解读,可推动对于劳伦斯小说中女性角色的深入研究。     

Gender Matters in Politics

Although often ignored by practitioners and academics alike, gender matters in both politics as a practice and politics as a subject of study. This article systematically demonstrates how both the practice and study of politics are gendered in ways that lead to an over‐representation of men. It also argues that both are intertwined in significant ways that need to be unravelled, but also that important changes have taken place in both over the last 30 years. The article goes on to highlight some of the challenges that remain and ends by outlining some of the key themes that should be an important part of an on‐going agenda to improve politics as a practice and as a discipline.     

A Study from a Multi-dimonsional Gender Perspective ofA. S. Byatt＇s Fiction

对性取向、女性的自由与权利、男性的性别困境与焦虑以及两性之间关系的探讨是拜厄特小说中非常值得研究的一部分。在关注每个个体在不同历史时期所面临的性别问题的同时,拜厄特实现了对英国社会历史变迁的忠实记载。     

Political parties and the transnational mobilisation of the emigrant vote

The relationship between political parties and voters is usually analysed in a national framework. However, the majority of states worldwide allow their emigrant citizens to have an absentee vote. This article analyses how parties confront the challenge of mobilising voters across borders. It presents an analytical framework for comparing the scope of party transnational mobilisation strategies across different electoral systems. Drawing on a contextualised qualitative analysis, the article analyses transnational electoral mobilisation of the emigrant vote in recent elections in Spain, France, Italy and Romania. The analysis shows that a cost–benefit analysis of electoral incentives explains the scope of transnational campaign efforts of many of the political parties. Yet the article also suggests locating the analysis of party strategies in the particular context of the transnational electoral field, including the high dispersion, uncertainty and volatility of the emigrant vote and the overlap between the electoral arenas among emigrants and at home.     

Private regulatory capture via harmonization: An analysis of global retailer regulatory intermediaries

Studies using the Regulatory–Intermediary–Target (RIT) framework have examined a variety of forms of regulatory capture, including how targets capture intermediaries (T?I) and how intermediaries capture regulators (I?R). Little attention has been paid to why and how regulators themselves might engage in capture. Yet such a scenario is likely in transnational governance settings characterized by regulatory competition and conflict, as well as power differentials between different types of private regulators (non‐governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and business associations). This paper elucidates why and how a private regulator might capture another private regulator via a regulatory intermediary: R1?I?R2. Drawing on interview and archival data, I examine three industry‐driven regulatory intermediaries created to harmonize private labor codes of conduct and ethical audit processes. These are founded and governed by a small group of retail trade associations and global retailers who also fulfill the role of private regulators (R1). My analysis reveals that the creation of these intermediaries is driven by global retailers’ reliance on standardization, low transaction costs, and regulatory harmonization across all aspects of their operations. It further reveals how the harmonization platforms are designed to leverage global retailers’ market power and evolve from regulatory intermediaries into de facto regulators that supplant existing private regulators (R2), and thereby capture transnational governance of consumer product supply chains. The article concludes by discussing contributions, implications, and avenues for future research.     

Production goes global,compliance stays local: Private regulation in the global electronics industry

Poor working conditions in global supply chains have led to private initiatives that seek to regulate labor practices in developing countries. But how effective are these regulatory programs? We investigate the effects of transnational private regulation by studying Hewlett‐Packard's (HP) supplier responsibility program. Using analysis of factory audits, interviews with buyer and supplier management, and field research at production facilities across seven countries, we find that national context – not repeated audits, capability building, or supply chain power – is the key predictor of workplace compliance. Quantitative analysis shows that factories in China are markedly less compliant than those in countries with stronger civil society and regulatory institutions. Comparative field research then illustrates how these local institutions complement transnational private regulation. Although these findings imply limits to private regulation in institutionally poor settings, they also highlight opportunities for productive linkages between transnational actors and local state and society.     

Globalization and citizenship: an Australian dilemma

Democratic citizenship, as it exists in countries like Australia, is premised on a nation-state that has sovereignty over a specific territory demarcated by internationally agreed boundaries. According to this model, citizens are supposed to control the state through democratic processes, and the state is supposed to control what happens on its territory and to decide who or what may cross its boundaries. But today globalization is eroding the capacity of the nation-state to control cross-border flows of finance, commodities, people, ideas and pollution. Powerful pressures are reducing state autonomy with regard to economic affairs, welfare rights and national culture. This leads to important questions: Does the quality of democratic citizenship remain unchanged? Are citizens still the source of political legitimacy? Do we need to rethink the meaning and mechanisms of citizenship to find new ways of maintaining popular sovereignty? How can citizens influence decisions made by global markets, transnational corporations and international organizations? These are problems that all democratic polities face, and Australia is no exception. Political and legal institutions derived from the Anglo-American democratic heritage have worked well for a century and more, but they may need to change significantly if they are to master the new realities. The central question in Castles's article is thus: What can we do to maintain and enhance democratic citizenship for Australians in the context of a globalizing world? To answer this question, he examines some of the inherent contradictions of nation-state citizenship, discusses the meaning of globalization and how it affects citizenship and looks at the effects of globalization and regional integration on Australia. He concludes that it is important to improve the quality of Australian citizenship by various measures: recognizing the special position of indigenous Australians and action to combat racism; combatting social exclusion; reforming the constitution to inscribe rights of active citizenship in a bill of rights; and reasserting the model of multicultural citizenship.