论李明博政府的实用主义外交

李明博政府上台后推行实用主义外交政策,主要包括以服务于"先进化国家"为宗旨,强化韩美同盟关系、开启对日关系"新思维"、调整对朝政策、奉行有限度的"平衡"外交、积极开展对华经贸关系、对俄能源外交以及全球外交等.实用主义外交是基于国际和国内、历史与现实、社会与个人等多种因素考虑的结果.实用主义外交面临着美韩同盟利益与韩国民族利益的冲突、韩日之间的结构性矛盾、对朝政策的有效性以及李明博政绩认可度等挑战,其效果还有待于进一步观察.     

Alliance of Civilizations： The global peace project of the 21st century

The Alliance of Civilizations was established in 2005, at the initiative of the Governments of Spain and Turkey; under the auspices of the United Nations for inter civilizations dialogue to bridge the gap between the West and Muslim world. This article analyzes advantage and disadvantage sides of the success of this initiative.     

利益差异、战略分歧和美韩同盟关系的再调整

结盟是相关行为体为了维护自己的安全利益根据自己的安全战略而进行的安全合作安排,盟友之间因安全环境的变化而产生的战略分歧和利益差异也将会导致同盟关系的调整。美韩同盟是冷战时期形成的,具有防御性且主要着眼于半岛安全之同盟的性质,但进入后冷战时期,尤其是"9.11"事件之后,基于安全环境和战略利益的变化,美韩两国对同盟关系进行了较大幅度的调整,调整之后的美韩同盟虽然在联合指挥协调机制问题上还存在着一定的不确定性,但从整体上看美韩同盟在本世纪初的调整则是一个走向强化的过程。     

美日同盟的出现与冲绳问题的产生

近数年来,围绕着驻冲绳美军基地,特别是普天间基地问题,美国、日本中央政府、冲绳地方政府两国三方之间发生了尖锐的冲突和争执。冲绳的民众为支持地方政府的政策再次掀起要求美军基地撤离的大规模群众运动。战后以来冲绳人一直在抗争试图减少基地甚至是实现无基地化,60多年过去了,冲绳仍然生活在基地当中。那么,冲绳问题在战后之初到底是如何形成的呢?从美日同盟的角度来探讨这个问题,可以看出,美日同盟的出现导致了冲绳问题的产生。《旧金山对日和约》结束了日本被占领状态,同时《美日安全条约》的签订确定了美日安保体制的法律框架,对冲绳来说更为重要的是《旧金山对日和约》第三条也成为美国统治冲绳的法律依据。也就是说,《旧金山和约》和《美日安全条约》结束了美日之间的敌对关系,并开启了两国之间的同盟关系,与此同时,美日安保体制的确立也就意味着冲绳问题的出现。     

战后日本对华“政经分离”原则形成述论

至中日邦交正常化之前,战后日本历届内阁对华一直遵从"政经分离"原则。"政经分离"原则虽然形成于吉田茂内阁时期,但这一原则并不是吉田或某一个政治家的主观设计,而是战后冷战体制,尤其是"日美台体"作用于日本对华关系的自然结果。把握"政经分离"原则的形成过程及其形成的根源,可以为正确理解战后中日关系或是改善或是恶化的历史表象提供一个可诠释的视角。     

二战后中日结盟观比较研究——以中苏同盟、日美同盟为例

战后中日结盟观存在差异。从结盟功能来看,中国谋求的是生存与安全;日本谋求的是从生存、安全到对外权力的增加、对国际秩序的影响。从结盟对象来看,中国的结盟对象包括强国和相对弱势的国家;日本的结盟对象集中在强国。从同盟地位与同盟管理来看,中国强调地位及管理的平等,而日本对这方面的不平等往往持容忍的态度。从结盟基础来看,中国从以面临共同威胁而产生的共同安全利益以及意识形态划界,到淡化、放弃意识形态划界。日本则从以面临共同威胁而产生的共同安全利益以及意识形态划界,到淡化意识形态,再到一度逐渐强化意识形态划界。从结盟影响来看,中国经历了结盟利于和平到不利于和平的观念转变,日本则以结盟利于和平的观念为主。     

东北亚大国关系中第三方因素及地区安全共同治理

中日关系经济上的合作依存度与政治上的纷争摩擦常态化这一结构性的矛盾日趋显现.从更深层次上探究中日政治经济所处的这种分裂状态根源,从本质上讲背后蕴涵着东北亚大国关系中的域外因素:即美国的第三方因素,其对东北亚的和平稳定发挥着特殊作用.东北亚大国在地区的竞争摩擦时常较为突出,但中美日在东亚地区还是蕴涵着许多重大的共同利益.东北亚传统的"管制型"安全模式需向大国共同"治理型"模式转变趋向,意味着大国区域安全治理的权利、利益、责任的平等与分享,地区安全治理是在大国协作框架下的共同治理,应注重大国在地区安全事务中的关键作用.     

The clinician–patient working alliance: is it a significant predictor of psychiatric medication adherence in a sample of recently released parolees?

Persistent psychiatric symptoms can serve as a major barrier to the successful reintegration of parolees with mental illness. Thus, it is important to identify factors that might impact their mental health recovery, such as low adherence to their treatment regimen. The strength of the clinician/patient working alliance has been found to be significantly associated with psychiatric medication adherence in prior research, but this relationship has not been assessed in a parolee population. Logistic regression analysis was used to determine if patient-rated working alliance was a significant predictor of low psychiatric medication adherence while taking into account alcohol/illegal drug use, age, and ethnicity in a sample of recently released parolees with mental illness (N = 49). Patient-rated working alliance, age, and ethnicity were not significant predictors of low adherence. Alcohol/illegal drug use during the follow-up period was associated with a significantly increased likelihood of meeting the criteria for low medication adherence (OR = 8.36; 95% CI = 1.60, 43.66). While working alliance was not found to be a significant predictor of medication adherence in this study, further research is needed to examine how substance misuse impacts the clinician–patient working alliance in this population.     

Superficial,not Substantial: The Ambiguity of Public Support for Europe's Security and Defence Policy

Abstract

Surveys such as the European Commission's Eurobarometer regularly reveal high levels of public support for European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This paper argues, however, that public support for ESDP is only superficial, not substantial. First, there is no homogeneous ‘European’ public support for ESDP. Second, security and defence, as covered by ESDP with its focus on global crisis-management, rank very low among Europeans’ priorities. Third, Europeans are very sceptical about the appropriateness of military means, and hence a core element of ESDP, as a legitimate instrument in international affairs. These reservations are likely to have constraining effects on ESDP's future development. At the same time, there are compelling reasons for the further development of ESDP. Therefore, Europe's political elites should initiate a public diplomacy campaign inside the EU in which the case for Europe's further evolution as a strategic security and defence actor is made. ESDP operations are the most promising starting points as they illustrate both the normative and the ‘realist’ necessities of European engagement in global security affairs.     

论我国专利联盟反垄断审查的制度构建

对专利联盟的反垄断法审查应当适用“个案审查与效果评估”的基本原则,专利联盟合法性要件包括有效专利、互补性专利、必要性专利、独立专家判断以及确定的限制范围。专利联盟的反垄断审查主要包括卡特尔管制和滥用市场支配地位行为禁止。